Deaf Identity Revisited 137
In this ethnic conceptualization of deaf identities and culture, the use of ASL
marks the boundary between hearing and deaf people, placing children of deaf
parents as native signers and transmitters of culture in the center of the continuum
(Padden & Humphries, 1988). This political discourse of linguistic and ethnic mi-
nority has enabled deaf Americans to advocate successfully for self-determination,
civil rights, and access to society (Rosen, 1994).
Widell (2000) focuses on the development of the Danish deaf community in in-
teraction with the labor market and changes in the education system from 1750 to
the 1980s. She points out that industrialization and normative forms of thought had
suppressive consequences in most cultures. However, different social patterns led to
variation in local deaf communities and cultural identities. According to Widell, fac-
tors that favored the development of these communities include that (1) a folk high
school (i.e., an informal institution for adult education) was already in existence
at the end of the 19th century and this weakened authoritarianism (and, conse-
quently, oralism) in Danish education; (2) deaf Danes were proud artisans and well
integrated into the labor market before industrialization; and (3) industrialization
occurred rather late in Denmark relative to other countries.
Another factor is the relatively early linguistic research on Danish Sign Language
(DTS). Influenced by American studies that recognized ASL as a bona fide lan-
guage, Danish scholars started to examine DTS in the 1970s. Positively inspired by
other emancipation movements, the Danish deaf community brought a renewed
vigor to advocating its members’ involvement in the education of deaf children.
Total Communication philosophies brought signing back into the classroom. DTS
was recognized as a subject in 1991, and by 1992 it was taught in all deaf schools
and deaf classes in regular schools, which was the beginning of a bilingual program
(Bergmann, 1994; Widell, 2000). As discussed later in this chapter, a similar evolu-
tionary process can be found in the other Nordic countries.
In the United Kingdom, Harris (1995) found that symbolic use of British Sign
Language (BSL; i.e., as a boundary marker and a means of claiming a linguistic
identity) has the potential to liberate deaf people. Members of the British Deaf
Association (BDA) mediate experiences of exclusion and oppression in key mo-
ments in their lives (family, education, and work) through a positive construction
of deafness, expressed in the concepts of deaf culture and deaf pride. This social
movement has resulted in a relatively high profile for BSL use; the language has be-
come socially accepted and structurally implemented, and instruction is provided at
different levels. Turner (2004) examined the linguistic practices and experiences of
young BSL users (aged 20 to 29 years) and found that after a stage of politicization,
a transition in language attitude and ideology takes place. Exclusion is still a sensi-
tive issue for young deaf people, but being able to choose from a variety of linguistic
resources results in a pragmatic and contextualized stance on communication. In-
stead of focusing on collective language rights, they orient themselves toward social
and economic success.
Due to the spread of sign language courses, far more hearing people than deaf
people use BSL. In response, the BDA decided to adopt new labels and advocate use
of the terms “sign community” and “sign language users” to include hearing people.