292 jinhua chen
as the representatives of Taimitsu and Shingon, respectively.^14 The
Famensi evidence brought to light Zhihuilun’s status as a mastermind
behind a series of activities surrounding the veneration of the Famensi
relic that were jointly orchestrated by the monastic and political elites
from 871 to the very beginning of 874, with Daxingshansi, currently
heavily under the influence of Zhihuilun, as the likely headquarters for
all these complex religious and political maneuvers.^15
Esoteric Buddhism revealed two different faces in these two politi-
co-religious institutions: in contrast to its “sacralizing” power of turn-
ing the imperial palace complex into a source of political legitimacy
and religious sanctity, esoteric Buddhism “secularized” the Buddha by
“appropriating” for him an imperial residence, even if underground
and of miniature scale. If it can be said that the Tang rulers shrewdly
pressed Buddhism into service by installing a Buddhist chapel at a
location so close to the political center and the most intimate part
of their personal lives, the tables were turned when an “underground
palace” (the literal meaning of the term digong ) was dug for the
Dharma King. Here the eminence and centrality were reserved for the
(^14) The major part of the scant information available on this important but obscure
figure is derived from Zanning’s short biographical note (Song gaoseng zhuan,
T. 2061.50:723a4–12), according to which Zhihuilun, born in Central or South Asia,
was quite a linguist and a promoter of esotericism who probably died some time
between 860 and 874. However, evidence provided by one of Zhihuilun’s contem-
poraries and two Song-dynasty authors argues against the validity of almost all the
remarks Zanning makes on Zhihuilun. These sources prove, first, that Zhihuilun was
a native of Chang’an with a Chinese surname (i.e. Ding ), although he might have
had some roots in Central or South Asia, which probably derived from his maternal
side; and second, that he died either in 876 or slightly earlier—in 875. All this new
evidence, neglected by modern scholars so far, is discussed in my forthcoming article
on Zhihuilun (Chen, forthcoming).
(^15) The relevant Famensi evidence is recorded in the following two documents:
“Da Tang Xiantong qisong Qiyang zhenshen zhiwen”
(“Zhiwen”), a memorial inscription that features this series of relic veneration under
the reigns of Yizong (r. 859–873) and Xizong (r. 873–888); and a meticulous inventory
(currently known under such an abbreviated title, “Yiwu zhang” ) of the gifts,
which includes six from Zhihuilun, showered on the Famensi relic while it was ven-
erated in the capital. The two documents are presented in different sources, the best
of which is, in my opinion, Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiuyuan, 2007, 229–230 (“Zhi-
wen”)/227–229 (“Yiwuzhang”). It was a Daxingshansi monk (Juezhi [?–874+])
who elaborately prepared the comprehensive inventory. The separate list of Zhihui-
lun’s gifts was added after all the gifts were counted and recorded. This, coupled with
Zhihuilun’s central position at Daxingshansi, suggests that all the gifts donated to
the relic were collected and registered at Daxingshansi. This emphatically points to
Zhihuilun’s status as a mastermind behind this series of activities surrounding the
Famensi relic.