Notes to Chapter 3 221
Latin translation is still lacking. My thanks to Matthew Steenberg for his comments and suggestions in this
area. Another interesting and related possibility is provided by the suggestion that the citations from scripture
in the letter concerning the martyrdom at Lyons show some indications of having been freely translated from
a Latin version back into Greek. See J. Armitage Robinson, The Passion of S. Perpetua, Texts and Studies 1.2
(Piscataway: Gorgias, 2004 [1891]), 97–100. Cf., 116–17; Bowersock, “Les églises de Lyon et de Vienne: rela-
tions avec l’Asie,” 252.
- The language of the Gallic churches in the third century seems to have been predominantly Latin,
and the one named bishop of Lyons known to us from this period has a Latin name. This is a certain Faustinus
of Lyons who appears in the correspondence of Cyprian. See Bardy, 118. - Interesting examples are provided by Arrian’s Periplus Ponti Euxini, where he notes the bad Greek of
an inscription carved by barbarians (1.2), and the names of places corrupted by barbarians (21.2). But he also
refers without pause or complaint about the reports in Latin that he has submitted and will submit to Hadrian
(6.2; 10.1). Arrian had good reason to speak and to write in Latin, and he is able to reconcile this easily with
his Hellenic and classical outlook. - Irenaeus cites 1 Clement at Hae r. III.3.3, and he may even have regarded it as scripture. Rousseau’s argu-
ments (Contre les Hérésies, Livre IV, 1:248–50) concerning the scriptural status for Irenaeus of 1 Clement and
the Shepherd of Hermas are not convincing, especially for the latter of the two texts. I see no reason to disagree
with Eusebius (HE V.8.7, referring to Hae r. IV.20.2) that Irenaeus regarded the Shepherd of Hermas as scripture. - 1 Clement 5.6-7. κῆρυξ γενόμενος ἔν τε τῇ ἀνατολῇ καὶ ἐν τῇ δύσει, τὸ γενναῖον τῆς πίστεως αὐτοῦ
κλέος ἔλαβεν· δικαιοσύνην διδάξας ὅλον τὸν κόσμον καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ τέρμα τῆς δύσεως ἐλθὼν. - Theodoret, Eranistes, 95.18-19. καὶ Εἰρηναῖον, ὃς τῆς Πολυκάρπου διδασκαλίας ἀπήλαυσεν, Γαλατῶν
δὲ τῶν ἑσπερίων ἐγεγόνει φωστήρ. - How Irenaeus Has Misled the Archaeologists
- Ps. Hippolytus, Elenchos IX.12.14.
- Eusebius, HE V.24.11-13.
- V. Fiocchi Nicolai and J. Gyon, “Relire Styger: Les origins de l’Area I du cimetière de Calliste et la crypte
des papes,” in V. Fiocchi Nicolai and J. Guyon, Origine delle catacombe romane (Sussidi allo studio delle anti-
chità Cristiana 18; Pontificia Istituto di archaeologia cristiana: Roma, 2006), 127. - Hegesippus, apud Eusebius, HE IV.22.3.
- N. Hyldahl, “Hegesipps Hypomnemata,” in Stud. Theol. XIV (1960): 100–3, cf. A. Brent, Hippolytus and
the Roman Church in the Third Century: Communities in Tension before the Emergence of a Monarch-Bishop,
Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae 31 (Leiden: Brill, 1995), 448–49. - Hegesippus, apud Eusebius, HE IV.22.3.
- Didasc. 9.25; Ap. Const. II.26.30-31.
- Eusebius, Dem. Ev. VIII.2.62; A. Ehrhardt, The Apostolic Tradition in the First Two Centuries of the
Church (London: Lutterworth, 1953), 42. - 1 Chron. 6:10; Neh. 12:10; Josephus, Ant. XI–XII. See also Ehrhardt (1953), 48–61.
- W. Telfer, The Office of a Bishop (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1962), 74–77.
- Brent (1995), 478–81.
- Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. IV.8.3 (50–73), cf. Telfer (1962), 115.
- Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. IV.8.3 (62–63), commenting on Matt. 12:3-5.
- Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. IV.17.5-6 (146–56) and 18.1 (1–5).
- Eusebius-Hieronymus, Cronicon CCXX.VIIII (= Helm, p. 194.17–18); Eusebius, HE IV.4.
- Hegesippus, apud Eusebius, HE IV.22.3.
- Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. III.3.1.
- Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. III.3.3 (32-35).
- Clement, Cor., inscr.: ἡ ἐκκλησία τοῦ θεοῦ ἡ παροικοῦσα Ῥώμην τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ τῇ παροικούσῃ
Κόρινθον. - Dionysius of Corinth, apud Eusbius, HE IV.23.11; Irenaeus, Adversus haereses. III.3.3 (32–44); (cf.
Eusebius, HE III.38.1-4; V.6). - Eusebius, HE II.25.8: (ἐπίσκοπος); III.4.10: ἀρχαίων τις, ἕτερος Διονύσιος, τῆς Κορινθίων παροικίας
ποιμήν.. .; IV.21 (ἐπίσκοπος); 23.1 (τὸν τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς ἐγκεχείριστο θρόνον).