The Economist - USA (2022-05-21)

(Antfer) #1

54 Britain TheEconomistMay21st 2022


Tyneside.MrGilbertsaysthatpassenger
numbersinhispatcharedownby15­20%,
whichislessthanthedeclinenationally.
LikeWileE.Coyoterunningoffa cliff,
politicianstendtotalkasthoughnothing
haschanged.“Thegovernmentcontinues
tobelievethatgoingforward,manyfirms
andindividualswillvaluethebenefitsof
workingfacetoface,”itblithelystatedin
anintegratedrail planfortheMidlands
andnorthofEnglandlastNovember.Jacob
Rees­Mogg, agovernment minister, has
leftnotesoncivilservants’deskschiding
themfor beingabsent,as thoughhome
workingisa momentarylapse.
Butchangesinworkinghabitsarelikely
toendure.AsurveybytheOfficeforNa­
tionalStatisticsinearlyAprilfoundthat
23%ofallbusinessesand43%ofprofes­
sional­servicesfirmsexpecta permanent
increaseinhomeworking.Boththosepro­
portionsarethehighesttheyhavebeen
sincetheonsbeganaskingthisquestion
inSeptember2020.Companiesaretrying
toenticeworkersbackbymakingoffices
morealluring.Buthomeworkingwillim­
prove, too: Nicholas Bloom at Stanford
Universitynotesthatpatentapplications
for remote­working technologyshot up
afterthepandemichit.
Some transport operators have ac­
knowledgedasmuch.TransportScotland
announcedlastOctoberthatitwasscrap­
pinga plantodoublethenumberoftracks
around East Kilbride railway station,
whichwouldhaveallowedmorecommut­
erstoreachGlasgowatrushhour.There­
visedbusiness caseexplained thatrush
hourisnotwhatitwas,andthatthelink
betweenjobgrowthandtransportusehad
beenbroken.Itpointedoutthatevenbe­
forethepandemic, polling showedthat
train commuters wanted to work from
homea fewdaysa week.Nowtheycan.
Other transport operators are quietly
trimming their timetables, sometimes
making the excuse that covid­19 has
knockedoutmanyoftheirstaff.Morecuts

arecoming.Busoperatorshavebeengiven
emergencyoperatinggrants,buttheseare
supposedtoendinOctober.“We’velost
quiteafewservicesandwilllosemore,”
says Greg Marsden at the Institute for
TransportStudiesinLeeds.
Ifpublictransportworsens,peopleare
likelytoworkfromhomemore,orjumpin
theircars.A surveyofrailwayusersbyLon­
don Travelwatch, an official watchdog,
foundthat64%agreedthata lessfrequent
service would deter them from taking
trains.Cutsmayalsoprovokestrikes.
TheElizabethlineisa colossalachieve­
ment—amongotherthings,it necessitated
oneofBritain’sbiggestarchaeologicaldigs.
Comparedwiththetaskofmaintaininga
decent public­transport service overthe
nextfewyears,it willseemeasy.n

No rush
Britain, journeys relative to pre-pandemic level, %
February 24th-April 10th 2022

Source: Department for Transport

London
Underground

National Rail

London Buses

Buses
(excl. London)

Cars

1009080706050

Weekdays Weekends

TheNorthernIrelandprotocol

Here we go again


T


his week’s announcement by Liz
Truss,  the  foreign  secretary,  of  a  pro­
posed bill that would give the government
powers  to  override  the  Northern  Ireland
protocol  was  not  a  surprise.  In  order  to
keep  the  province  in  the  eu’s  single  mar­
ket, the protocol imposes customs checks
on  goods  moving  across  the  Irish  Sea.
Threats to change it unilaterally, if negotia­
tions  with  the  bloc  do  not  yield  compro­
mise,  were  heavily  trailed.  But  it  is  still
shocking  that  any  British  government  is
ready to renege on an international treaty.
The claim by Ms Truss that the bill will be
legal  under  international  law  is  uncon­
vincing even to many Tory mps. 
The  gambit  also  looks  unlikely  to
achieve the two goals that she set out for it.
The  first  is  to  persuade  the  Democratic
Unionist Party (dup) to return to Northern
Ireland’s  power­sharing  executive,  which
is in limbo until it does. But the dup, which
says  it  will  return  only  if  the  protocol  is
scrapped or fundamentally changed, is un­
likely to move quickly; it distrusts the Brit­
ish  government  and  it  knows  the  bill
would struggle to get through Parliament. 
The  second  goal  is  to  extract  conces­
sions from Brussels. The European Union’s
response was measured but emphatic: na­
tional governments are not prepared to re­
negotiate  the  Brexit  withdrawal  treaty,
which  includes  the  protocol  and  required
ratification by all their parliaments. The eu
also  made  plain  that  it  is  prepared  to  de­
ploy retaliatory trade measures, including
scrapping the entire post­Brexit trade deal,

if Britain legislates unilaterally.
That  still  leaves  scope  for  compromise
in  some  areas.  It  ought  to  be  possible  to
smooth the application of border and cus­
toms  checks  through  negotiation  in  the
joint committee set up to manage the pro­
tocol, without having to change the treaty
text.  The  eu’s  proposals  put  forward  last
October,  to  simplify  or  scrap  some  of  the
checks  required  to  protect  its  single  mar­
ket, could also be expanded. 
It should therefore be possible to estab­
lish “green” express lanes for goods that go
only  to  the  province  and  are  deemed  un­
likely  to  cross  into  Ireland.  The  existing
scheme  for  trusted  traders  that  promise
not to stray into the republic could be en­
larged to cover more firms that are based in
Great  Britain  as  well  as  those  in  Northern
Ireland. And the current grace periods that
postpone  checks  for  most  supermarket
produce, live animals and parcels entering
the  province  could  be  extended  or  even
made permanent, as has already been done
for medicines.
It is trickier to do away with more sensi­
tive  food­safety  checks.  The  government
wants the eusimply to recognise Britain’s
food­safety  regime,  but  the  bloc  frets  that
Britain  could  diverge  sharply  on  such
things as hormone­treated meat or geneti­
cally  modified  crops.  The  cleanest  way  to
eliminate  these  checks  would  be  for  Brit­
ain  to  align  with  the  eu’s  standards.  The
government is against this on sovereignty
grounds and because it would scupper any
chance of a trade deal with America. Since
no  such  deal  is  on  the  horizon,  however,
some  temporary  period  of  alignment
might be politically feasible.
Anything  that  requires  a  treaty  rewrite
is  far  less  plausible.  Catherine  Barnard,  a
Cambridge professor who is part of the uk
in  a  Changing  Europe  think­tank,  notes
that  this  category  would  include  altering
the  presumption  that  all  goods  going  to
Northern Ireland are at risk of entering the
single  market  and  getting  rid  of  the  eu’s
customs  procedures.  Both  of  these  are
specified in the treaty. So are clauses apply­
ing eutax and state­aid rules to Northern
Ireland and putting the protocol under the
European  Court  of  Justice.  Britain  now
wants to change all these, even if not many
businesses in the province care that much.
Indeed,  despite  the  dup’s  hostility  to
the protocol, most opinion polls find that a
majority in Northern Ireland are in favour
of  retaining  it.  It  is  partly  because  of  the
protocol that the economy has been slight­
ly  outperforming  the  national  average,
says  the  National  Institute  of  Economic
and  Social  Research,  another  think­tank.
The biggest obstacle to smoothing the pro­
tocol is a lack of trust between Britain and
the  eu.  Threats  of  unilateral  actionto  re­
write  a  treaty  signed  barely  twoyearsago
serve only to aggravate suspicion.n

Another showdown between Britain
and the eulooms
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