54 Britain TheEconomistMay21st 2022
Tyneside.MrGilbertsaysthatpassenger
numbersinhispatcharedownby1520%,
whichislessthanthedeclinenationally.
LikeWileE.Coyoterunningoffa cliff,
politicianstendtotalkasthoughnothing
haschanged.“Thegovernmentcontinues
tobelievethatgoingforward,manyfirms
andindividualswillvaluethebenefitsof
workingfacetoface,”itblithelystatedin
anintegratedrail planfortheMidlands
andnorthofEnglandlastNovember.Jacob
ReesMogg, agovernment minister, has
leftnotesoncivilservants’deskschiding
themfor beingabsent,as thoughhome
workingisa momentarylapse.
Butchangesinworkinghabitsarelikely
toendure.AsurveybytheOfficeforNa
tionalStatisticsinearlyAprilfoundthat
23%ofallbusinessesand43%ofprofes
sionalservicesfirmsexpecta permanent
increaseinhomeworking.Boththosepro
portionsarethehighesttheyhavebeen
sincetheonsbeganaskingthisquestion
inSeptember2020.Companiesaretrying
toenticeworkersbackbymakingoffices
morealluring.Buthomeworkingwillim
prove, too: Nicholas Bloom at Stanford
Universitynotesthatpatentapplications
for remoteworking technologyshot up
afterthepandemichit.
Some transport operators have ac
knowledgedasmuch.TransportScotland
announcedlastOctoberthatitwasscrap
pinga plantodoublethenumberoftracks
around East Kilbride railway station,
whichwouldhaveallowedmorecommut
erstoreachGlasgowatrushhour.There
visedbusiness caseexplained thatrush
hourisnotwhatitwas,andthatthelink
betweenjobgrowthandtransportusehad
beenbroken.Itpointedoutthatevenbe
forethepandemic, polling showedthat
train commuters wanted to work from
homea fewdaysa week.Nowtheycan.
Other transport operators are quietly
trimming their timetables, sometimes
making the excuse that covid19 has
knockedoutmanyoftheirstaff.Morecuts
arecoming.Busoperatorshavebeengiven
emergencyoperatinggrants,buttheseare
supposedtoendinOctober.“We’velost
quiteafewservicesandwilllosemore,”
says Greg Marsden at the Institute for
TransportStudiesinLeeds.
Ifpublictransportworsens,peopleare
likelytoworkfromhomemore,orjumpin
theircars.A surveyofrailwayusersbyLon
don Travelwatch, an official watchdog,
foundthat64%agreedthata lessfrequent
service would deter them from taking
trains.Cutsmayalsoprovokestrikes.
TheElizabethlineisa colossalachieve
ment—amongotherthings,it necessitated
oneofBritain’sbiggestarchaeologicaldigs.
Comparedwiththetaskofmaintaininga
decent publictransport service overthe
nextfewyears,it willseemeasy.n
No rush
Britain, journeys relative to pre-pandemic level, %
February 24th-April 10th 2022
Source: Department for Transport
London
Underground
National Rail
London Buses
Buses
(excl. London)
Cars
1009080706050
Weekdays Weekends
TheNorthernIrelandprotocol
Here we go again
T
his week’s announcement by Liz
Truss, the foreign secretary, of a pro
posed bill that would give the government
powers to override the Northern Ireland
protocol was not a surprise. In order to
keep the province in the eu’s single mar
ket, the protocol imposes customs checks
on goods moving across the Irish Sea.
Threats to change it unilaterally, if negotia
tions with the bloc do not yield compro
mise, were heavily trailed. But it is still
shocking that any British government is
ready to renege on an international treaty.
The claim by Ms Truss that the bill will be
legal under international law is uncon
vincing even to many Tory mps.
The gambit also looks unlikely to
achieve the two goals that she set out for it.
The first is to persuade the Democratic
Unionist Party (dup) to return to Northern
Ireland’s powersharing executive, which
is in limbo until it does. But the dup, which
says it will return only if the protocol is
scrapped or fundamentally changed, is un
likely to move quickly; it distrusts the Brit
ish government and it knows the bill
would struggle to get through Parliament.
The second goal is to extract conces
sions from Brussels. The European Union’s
response was measured but emphatic: na
tional governments are not prepared to re
negotiate the Brexit withdrawal treaty,
which includes the protocol and required
ratification by all their parliaments. The eu
also made plain that it is prepared to de
ploy retaliatory trade measures, including
scrapping the entire postBrexit trade deal,
if Britain legislates unilaterally.
That still leaves scope for compromise
in some areas. It ought to be possible to
smooth the application of border and cus
toms checks through negotiation in the
joint committee set up to manage the pro
tocol, without having to change the treaty
text. The eu’s proposals put forward last
October, to simplify or scrap some of the
checks required to protect its single mar
ket, could also be expanded.
It should therefore be possible to estab
lish “green” express lanes for goods that go
only to the province and are deemed un
likely to cross into Ireland. The existing
scheme for trusted traders that promise
not to stray into the republic could be en
larged to cover more firms that are based in
Great Britain as well as those in Northern
Ireland. And the current grace periods that
postpone checks for most supermarket
produce, live animals and parcels entering
the province could be extended or even
made permanent, as has already been done
for medicines.
It is trickier to do away with more sensi
tive foodsafety checks. The government
wants the eusimply to recognise Britain’s
foodsafety regime, but the bloc frets that
Britain could diverge sharply on such
things as hormonetreated meat or geneti
cally modified crops. The cleanest way to
eliminate these checks would be for Brit
ain to align with the eu’s standards. The
government is against this on sovereignty
grounds and because it would scupper any
chance of a trade deal with America. Since
no such deal is on the horizon, however,
some temporary period of alignment
might be politically feasible.
Anything that requires a treaty rewrite
is far less plausible. Catherine Barnard, a
Cambridge professor who is part of the uk
in a Changing Europe thinktank, notes
that this category would include altering
the presumption that all goods going to
Northern Ireland are at risk of entering the
single market and getting rid of the eu’s
customs procedures. Both of these are
specified in the treaty. So are clauses apply
ing eutax and stateaid rules to Northern
Ireland and putting the protocol under the
European Court of Justice. Britain now
wants to change all these, even if not many
businesses in the province care that much.
Indeed, despite the dup’s hostility to
the protocol, most opinion polls find that a
majority in Northern Ireland are in favour
of retaining it. It is partly because of the
protocol that the economy has been slight
ly outperforming the national average,
says the National Institute of Economic
and Social Research, another thinktank.
The biggest obstacle to smoothing the pro
tocol is a lack of trust between Britain and
the eu. Threats of unilateral actionto re
write a treaty signed barely twoyearsago
serve only to aggravate suspicion.n
Another showdown between Britain
and the eulooms