The Times - UK (2022-05-23)

(Antfer) #1
the times | Monday May 23 2022 39

Business


Paul Johnson


Reducing the expense of childcare


won’t solve the cost-of-living crisis


Marcus Boyle


S


ince joining the Gambling
Commission last September,
my focus has been on
identifying beneficial
changes for both consumers
and the industry. The gambling
industry is changing fast and there is
much more that can be done,
particularly in reducing the harms
caused. My proposals come from
listening to academics, individuals
with lived experience, politicians,
recreational gamblers, gambling
operators, government officials,
charities and many others.
We have looked at all areas,
including how we regulate, and have
studied the opportunities afforded by
technology and data. The
conclusions will feed into our advice
to the government‘s review of the
Gambling Act, but we know that
while this review is happening we
cannot stand still and will be
consulting on proposed
improvements.
A key area is increasing the
impact of sanctions imposed on
persistently failing operators. Recent
investigations reveal cases with jaw-
dropping examples of substantial
amounts being taken from
individuals who cannot afford to
wager such sums.
Our enforcement has led to
operators paying out more than
£130 million in the past five years,
but this clearly is not a sufficient
deterrent. Consequently, operators
can expect to see cumulative
sanction packages with not only
increased financial penalties but also
a suite of sanctions aimed at
changing behaviour, including fines
being based on a percentage of
customer takings, short or long-term
suspensions and attaching
significant conditions to licences.
We will expect full board oversight
and personal accountability through
increased personal management
gambling licences at strategic and
operational levels. And we will not
tolerate an attitude of lowest
possible compliance being sufficient.
We expect our licence-holders to
genuinely commit and learn from
failings. Licences will be withdrawn
where standards are not met,
meaning that individuals could not
hold senior positions in the industry.
Licence-holders should aim for the
highest standards.
To that end, we — with the
leading operators — have launched

a best practice study into the
algorithms that they use to spot
individuals at risk of harm and the
resulting practices that operators
use to protect those individuals. I
would like also to introduce a new
mandatory, independent audit of
standards and accreditation for
those achieving the highest levels.
Technology can play a role in
protecting consumers from
gambling so that they don’t spend
more than they can afford. I believe
that operators and individuals would
benefit from gambling companies
being able to use soft credit checks
that do not have an impact on their
credit rating to provide real-time
affordability assessments.
We also need significantly more
data about gambling patterns,
allowing us to better understand
how people gamble, the number of
problem gamblers and the level of
harm being suffered. We plan to
invest more in our data sources and
will start to research the links
between gambling and suicide.
I want, too, to build our
technology capability so that we can
properly interrogate trends to
underpin our regulatory agenda —
for example downloading and
analysing the vast amount of data
that operators maintain — allowing
us to undertake multiple more
checks on operators than we
perform at present, potentially even
in real-time. Engaging with licensees
through both education and
enforcement will mean that we
share meaningful information more
frequently to drive rapid change for
the benefit of consumers.
Data and technology will play a
role in how we monitor and act on
the black market and I am keen that
we continue to study ways to work
with technology companies to take
more co-ordinated actions. We will
be increasing our resource in this
area and will invest in our domestic
and international relationships.
I welcome the Gambling Act
review and believe that it will result
in a legislative environment that
meets the needs of this global
industry and gives the commission
the capacity to regulate it. This will
help to keep people safe from harm
while keeping the enjoyment of the
recreational gambler.

Marcus Boyle is chairman of the
Gambling Commission

Gambling needs better


regulation, and this


is how we will do it


child for the under-twos than do most
other countries pushes up the costs.
Our rather convoluted system of
subsidies, not at all well targeted
towards those on the lowest incomes,
doesn’t help.
There is one element of
government support, supposedly one
of its central planks, that seems to be
especially ineffective. That is tax-free
childcare. It’s ineffective because most
families have never even heard of it,
and that includes half of those who
would be entitled to it. Even some of
those who are aware of it are put off
from claiming it by the hassle and
complexity. Take-up has been so poor
that it has ended up costing just a
quarter of what was projected. In the
four years since it was introduced, it
has cost more than £2 billion less than
intended.
There’s another reminder for
policymakers — and for me. Things
that look great on paper, that work
well in theory, won’t necessarily cut
through to a general public who have
got far better things to do than keep
on top of all the latest policy twists
and turns.
If the government wants to help
with the cost of living, there will be
some families who would benefit
from cheaper childcare. But not a
huge number of them, not very soon
and not on the whole those on the
lowest incomes. In any case, childcare
is, or should be, about much more
than merely keeping the kids out
from under the parents’ feet. Policy
should focus on making sure that it is
as high-quality as possible and on
ensuring that those children likely to
benefit most do so. The present
system already offers free care to the
40 per cent most disadvantaged two-
year-olds because they are the biggest
potential beneficiaries. Two thirds
don’t take up their full entitlement.
There is much to do to get
childcare policy right, but let’s not
mix it up with sorting out the
present cost-of-living crisis. The
first step to achieving that was, is and
will continue to be increasing
benefits in line with inflation. That
would provide
immediate help to
millions of poor
families with
children.

I am not normal.
Just ask my kids. I’m
not referring to my
odd mannerisms,
terrible driving or
practical incompetence, rather to my
experience of the economy, my
education and my earnings.
Ministers and members of
parliament are not normal, either.
They get to see more of life through
their constituency surgeries than
most of us, even if some of them seem
to forget it all too easily. I see it
differently, in the data that my
colleagues and I work with all the
time. I am in the unusual position of
having rather a good grasp on what
the income distribution looks like. I
know where I sit in it. And in the
distributions of health, wealth and
education.
Even so, I am sometimes surprised
at just how odd I am. Or was. You
may have noticed that one of the
ideas being put about by government
to ease the cost-of-living crisis is to
reduce the cost of childcare, perhaps
by loosening the constraints on how
many young children any one carer
can look after in a nursery setting.
Now it’s a very long time since my
children were in nursery — the
youngest are now at university — but
I clearly remember the staggering
amounts we used to pay. Childcare is
expensive and surely it would help
millions of families with young
children to reduce the cost.
Not so much, it turns out. More
than half of families with a pre-
school-age child pay precisely nothing
for childcare. That’s partly because
some, especially with very young
children, don’t use childcare at all.
More important is that a lot of “free”
childcare is provided by doting, or
perhaps put-upon, grandparents and
other relatives.
Among older pre-schoolers, the
vast majority, more than eight in ten,
do use some formal childcare. Even
so, two thirds pay less than £20 per
week for it. That’s because there is
already a significant free entitlement
of at least 15 hours a week for all
three and four-year-olds and 30 hours
where both parents are working —
sadly, not something that existed in
anything like such generous form
when my sons were small. Some
things do improve.
All of which suggests that cutting
the cost of childcare would make no
difference to the vast majority of

families with young children. It could
help some to gain access to more
childcare, if costs are putting them off
at the moment, but it is notable that
half the parents of three and four-
year-olds do not even use their
present full free entitlement.
Plenty of families do spend an
awful lot on childcare, but they are in
a relatively small minority. At the top
end, one in ten users of formal
childcare in London spend more than
£350 a week. Hardly anyone in any
other region of England pays that
much. Such figures may be more in
the minds of policymakers than
perhaps they should be. Frankly, they
are more in my mind than they
should be because that’s closer to my
experience and the experience of
many of my friends and colleagues.
That’s where the biggest numbers
are, but this is not simply a
metropolitan elite issue. A fifth of
middle-earners using formal childcare
report finding it difficult to manage
the cost. Among all families with pre-
school children, one in ten have
reported difficulty meeting costs. And
that was last year.
There is a problem, and it is a
growing one. In the decade before the
present inflationary spurt, the cost of
a part-time nursery place for the
youngest children rose more than
twice as quickly as overall prices. The
fact that we insist on more carers per


’’


Paul Johnson is director of the
Institute for Fiscal Studies.
Follow him on @PJTheEconomist

Many families do not make the most
of their entitlement to free childcare
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