Pronounced seasonally is a major factor that de-
termines agricultural options in the area. The upland
areas receive an annual average of about 2500 mm of
rain, about 85% of which falls during the wet season
(May-November; CATIE 1983). Rains are frequently
heavy (several cm/h), so uncovered soil is vulnerable
to erosion. The prolonged rains—as well as the mist
in the early part of dry season—favor the growth of
fungi, which local farmers cite as a significant impedi-
ment to crop production during much of the year.
Seasonality also affects the behavior and impacts of
pasture pests (e.g., spittlebug outbreaks in pastures
between June and August).
The dry season presents other agricultural chal-
lenges. From January to March, strong trade winds
stress vegetation and livestock, which slows growth
rates and reduces productivity (CATIE 1983, J. J.
Monge, pers. comm.). High winds cause mechanical
damage to fruits and vegetables and foster damage
from viruses and bacteria. Wind also limits arable plot
size because of the need for windbreaks at close in-
tervals (J. Wolfe, pers. comm.). Later in the dry sea-
son, some crops may be stressed by heat and need
irrigation. Grass production slows, which reduces
milk production by 15-20% (Productores de Monte-
verde, S.A., pers. comm.). Irrigation is a challenge
because of the cost of installing systems, the scarcity
of water during the dry season, and the steep slopes
of much of the land. Only 21% of the land is flat; the
rest has slopes of 16-26% (CATIE 1983, Vasquez
1988). Building terraces on slopes is viable agronomi-
cally but not economically.
Most of Monteverde's agricultural soil is well-
drained sandy loam, high in organic matter, though
this varies with soil management practices (J. Stuckey,
pers. comm.; see Chap. 2, Physical Environment). The
pH is typically between 5.6 and 6.8. As in many tropi-
cal soils, phosphorus appears to be the limiting nu-
trient. Potassium, magnesium, zinc, and manganese
are also generally low (CATIE 1983, Vasquez 1988).
The region's heat and moisture regimes mean that
organic matter breaks down rapidly and must be re-
plenished often (J. Wolfe, pers. comm.).
Factors Influencing Early Agricultural
Development
Prior to the early Creole and Quaker settlers, an in-
digenous population engaged in hunting, gathering,
and some agriculture (see Timm, "Prehistoric Cul-
tures," pp. 408-409). Older residents of the commu-
nity of San Luis have corn-grinding stones left by the
Native American inhabitants. One elderly resident
stated, "When my father-in-law got here in the 1930s,
he found buried pots and containers and some grind-ing stones" (C. Villalobos, pers. comm.). One neigh-
bor recalled that the land cleared by the original in-
habitants was largely grown up, and that it must have
been several decades since they had left. "We found
'platano cuadrado' [a variety of small banana], wheat,
and sugarcane. There were just a few plants, but we
figured the Indians must have grown those crops"
(O. Leiton, pers. comm.)
The first upland Creole settlers arrived in the 1920s
and 1930s. Most were poor, and many had previously
worked as farm hands in the San Ramon area or the
gold mines in Guacimal and La Sierra de Abangares
(J. L. Vargas, pers. comm.). Roads were primitive. The
first motorized vehicles to use the dirt road up from
the Panamerican highway belonged to the Quaker
settlers who came in 1950. They were accompanied
by men with shovels, who widened the road as they
went along (J. Campbell, pers. comm.). During the
early years, vehicular travel depended on winches.
One resident recalls, "We had a sort of a tree-thinning
program along the road. We'd winch our way up the
mountain... and the little trees that couldn't take it
would just come out" (M. Rockwell, pers. comm.; Fig.
11.1).
Poor road conditions had implications for agricul-
ture. For most settlers in the first half of the century,
it necessitated subsistence agriculture, as transport of
products to outside markets and transport of inputs
such as fertilizer were not feasible. In the upland area,
most farmers produced corn, beans, vegetables, fruits,
herbs, and livestock for family consumption. The few
commercial upland farms produced garlic, flax, beef,
and homestead cheese. One settler recalls the exis-
tence of a "still" for making cane alcohol (J. Campbell,
pers. comm.). In the lowland area, commercial beef
and grain production predominated (J. L. Vargas, pers.
comm.). Early settlers also hunted. "When we first
got here, there was more than enough meat!" said
an older Costa Rican resident of the San Luis valley
(C. Villalobos, pers. comm.). In the 1930s, families
hunted tapirs, deer, monkeys, pacas, and birds. By the
1940s, the wild animal population had diminished,
so some families raised pigs for meat.
During the late 1950s and the 1960s, the roads
gradually improved and "export agriculture" (outside
the area, not outside the country) became an option.
Whatever was shipped out had to withstand a long,
pounding trip. This ruled out most fruits, vegetables,
and anything requiring refrigeration. Two options
were attractive: cheese and beef. Cheese had advan-
tages over fresh milk; milk was heavy, bulky, and
liable to spoil over the long trip to outside markets
(Fig. 11.2). Cheese was also more profitable as a "value-
added" product. Another factor favoring dairy pro-
duction was farm size; most upland farms were too391 Agriculture in Monteverde: Moving Toward Sustainability