l
Buddhifying
Australia
Multicultural
capital
andBuddhist
material
culture
inruralVictoria
Sally
McA
ra
WhatarethcelTectsol‘a
project
entailing
theconstructionol'a
building.
modelled
ona
fifieenth-eentury
Tibetan
Buddhist
stupa,
intoa
twenty-first-century
mral
Australian
setting?
Howdo
the
Anglo-Celtic
adherents of
Tibetan
Buddhism,
whoconstitutea
religious
but
notanethnic
minority
inAustralia.
position
their
stupaproject
inrelationtothe
widersocialeontext'.7Members
ofa
large
inter—
nationalBuddhist
organization
called
theFoundationforthe
Preservationofthe
Mahayana
Tradition
(FPMT)
are
building
their
stupa
atAlisha
Centre,
14kmfrom
thecentreof
Bendigo
innorthwest
centralVictoria.Named
the‘Great
Stupa
of
Universal
Compassion‘
(henceforth,
the
stupa).
itsbuilders
promote
thisdistinc-
tively
Tibetanedificeas‘the
largest
stupa
inthewesternworld.‘
This
eightAstorey
structure.
modelledona 43
metre-highstupa
consecrated
in
Gyantse
insouthern
Tibetin
1474,
fulfilsitsroleboth
asamonument
enclosing
sacred
relicsandasa
temple
inwhich
people
can
gather
toheardharrna
teachings
and
engage
inrelated
practices.
arolemade
possible
bycontemporarybuilding
materials.
Inthis
chapter.
I
takethisinstanceofthe
creationofa
distinctly
Buddhist
builtenvironmentin
a
non-Buddhist
society
to
explore
how
plans
to
‘buddhify‘
a
particular
piece
of
Australian
countryside
interrelatewithAustralian
discourses,especiallygovem-
mental
ones.
about
immigration
andmulticulturalism.‘
Despitegovernmental
efiortstoreinventAustralia
asamulticultural
society
in
recent decades.
contemporary toningregulations
and
planning application
processes
oflenmake
theestablishmentofnew
religiousbuildingsbyminority
groups
an
expensive
anddifiicult
process
(Vasi2006;
Skennar.
this
volume;
Waitt.
this
volume).
Neighbourhood
opposition
to
visibly‘foreign‘religious
architecture
in
city
andsuburban
settings
hasoftenbeen
vociferous
(Dunn.Thompson.
Hanna.
Murphy
and
Bumley2001).
This
may
be
expressed
interms
ofreligiousprejudice.
asinthecaseoftheNanTien
temple
in
Wollongong(Waitt),2
trafficandnoise
disturbancesor
subjective
notionsofvisual
incompatibility
withLitelocale.
Despitepotential
for
majoropposition
duetoitssizeand
unusualness,
the
stupa
projectpassed
its
city
council
planning
application
in 1999
relativelysmoothly.
My
interestinthis
chapter
ishow
the
stupaproponentsaligned
the
project
with
thekindsofdiscoursethatlocalelitesIfavour.
that
is.
intermsoftwokindsof
‘enrichment‘
7
inthe
metaphorical
senseofmulticultural
diversity
andinthe
literalsenseofeconomic
growth
(McAra2009).My
focushereistheformerkind.