The Economist

(Steven Felgate) #1

26 Europe The EconomistAugust 4th 2018


Biochips

Bjorn Cyborg


O

N SOME Swedish trains passengers
carry their e-tickets in their hands—
literally. About 3000 Swedes have opted
to insert grain-of-rice-sized microchips
beneath the skin between their thumbs
and index fingers. The chips which cost
around $150 can hold personal details
credit-card numbers and medical records.
They rely on Radio FrequencyID(RFID)
a technology already used in payment
cards tickets and passports.
By one estimate there are 10000
cyborgs with chip implants around the
world. Sweden home to several micro-
chip companies has the largest share.
Fifty employees of Three Square Market
a Wisconsin-based firm volunteered to
receive chip implants that can be used to
pay at vending machines and log in to
computers. Individuals can order do-it-
yourself kits which come with steril-
isation tools and a needle to inject the
device or attend “implant parties”

where a professional gives chips to a
group. Sometimes they getT-shirts that
say “I got chipped”.
Jowan Österlund the founder of
BioHax a Swedish firm claims chips are
more secure than mobile phones be-
cause they are hard to hack. But sceptics
still have concerns.RFIDchips do not
haveGPS but they leave a digital trail
when they interact with doors printers
or turnstiles. In 2004 the Mexican at-
torney-general and his staff had chips
inserted in their arms that tracked who
had accessed sensitive information.
So why take the risk? Convenience is
one draw. The infrastructure for micro-
chip use exists wherever contactlessIDs
or payments are accepted. Sweden is well
suited as the world’s second most cash-
less country (after Canada).
But the chips have little use unless
companies play along. Few shops recog-
nise chip implants yet. Even those organi-
sations that do have had teething trou-
bles. When Swedish rail officials began
scanning passengers’ microchips they
saw LinkedIn profiles rather than evi-
dence of ticket purchases. For now the
chips are used largely as digital business
cards substitutes for keys or to store
emergency documents such as wills.
So exhibitionism is another explana-
tion. Chip enthusiasts include followers
of a “transhumanist” ideology that seeks
to optimise human bodies with tech-
nology. Elon Muskan American en-
trepreneur has invested in tech that
merges machines with human brains.
Some Christians meanwhile fear that
microchips are “marks of the beast”
foretold in the Bible. Hardly says Mr
Österlund. After all “people once
thought the Beatles were the Antichrist.”

Why Swedes are inserting microchips into their bodies

O

NE morning a history teacher wakes
up in Kiev to find himself elected pres-
ident of Ukraine—thanks to a video secret-
ly recorded by a pupil and uploaded to
YouTube. It shows the teacher cursing Uk-
raine’s political class fortheir lies and its
people for their indifference. “Our politi-
cians don’t know history but they are bril-
liant mathematicians: they all know how
to add divide and multiply their wealth”
he tells a colleague. The video goes viral
and a local oligarch-prime minister backs
him in the hope of gaining a puppet. In-
stead the new president imprisons the oli-
garch and goes after his cronies.
This is the plot of “Servant of the Peo-
ple” a satirical television show that first
aired in 2015. Since then 20m people—half
of Ukraine’s population—have tuned in.
Ironically it plays on a channel owned by
Igor Kolomoisky an oligarch. Less amusing
is that Vladimir Zelensky the comedian
who plays the teacher is in some polls Uk-
raine’s second most popular presidential
candidate beaten only by Yulia Tymosh-
enko a veteran populist. Petro Poroshenko
the incumbent scores just 5%. The election
may not be until next March but the jos-
tling for power is in full swing.
Ukrainian politics have long resembled
an “operetta” as Mikhail Bulgakov a Kiev-
born Russian novelist scornfully de-
scribed it in “The White Guard” set in 1918
during a brief period of Ukrainian inde-
pendence. A century later Ukraine is still
struggling to assert its sovereignty in the
face of Russian aggression and crippling
corruption. “The state is not performing its
basic functions of providing security and
justice” says Anatoly Grytsenko a former
defence minister and a presidential candi-
date running unusually without the sup-
port of oligarchs.
The job of regaining sovereignty is es-
pecially important for Ukraine since Do-
nald Trump feels no urge to defend it. If
anything he appears to resent the country
as a source of trouble for Paul Manafort his
former campaign manager who went on
trial this week in the United States for fraud
charges stemming from his activities in Uk-
raine several yearsago.
Yet Mr Grytsenko points out to be
treated like a sovereign country Ukraine
needs to behave like one. “We can’t blame
Putin for internal corruption deceit and
lack of reforms” he says. Over the past
three years America and the European Un-
ion along with Ukraine’s civil activists

have created the anti-corruption infra-
structure needed to break up an en-
trenched system designed to siphon off
public money into offshore accounts. This
includes an investigative bureau (NABU) a
special prosecution service and an anti-
corruption court finally set up in June un-
der pressure from the IMF and activists.
Yet Ukraine’s rulers have done every-
thing in their power to undermine these in-
stitutions from within. NABU has accused
Nazar Kholodnitsky the chief anti-corrup-
tion prosecutor of subverting its investiga-
tions by leaning on his own prosecutors to
drop cases and tipping off suspects. (He
denies these charges.) Last month prosecu-
tors closed an embezzlement case against

the son of Arsen Avakov the powerful in-
terior minister which NABUhad opened.
Vitaly Shabunin head of the Anti-Cor-
ruption Action Centre a civic organisation
says that the old system has been rocked
but that it is now fighting back. He has been
harassed by the authorities himself. On
July 17th as he campaigned for Mr Kholod-
nitsky to be fired thugsattacked him with
antiseptic dye in full view of the police.
“We are fighting for our life and we
have not got much time” says Mr Gryt-
senko. His supporthas been rising despite
his lack of money or access to the oligarch-
controlled media. Some voters still crave
honesty in their politicians. The risk is that
the bloody operetta will prevail. 7

Ukrainian politics

The dark operetta


KIEV
Where corruption violence and
political chaos still prevail
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