A12 0 N THE NEW YORK TIMES NATIONALTUESDAY, AUGUST 6, 2019
El Paso and Dayton Shootings
On Monday morning, President
Trump made his first televised
statement about the mass mur-
ders committed over the weekend
in El Paso, Tex., and Dayton, Ohio.
He called for action to “stop mass
killings before they start,” citing
what he said were a number con-
tributing factors: the contagious
nature of mass murder; the glori-
fication of violence in video
games; and the need to act on “red
flags” to identify and potentially
confine the “mentally ill mon-
sters” that he said commit the
crimes.
Many of these factors have
been studied by scientists for dec-
ades. Here are answers to some of
the most common questions about
the causes of mass murder.
Can one mass shooting inspire
another?
Yes. Police find abundant evi-
dence that shooters have studied
previous crimes, often mimicking
gestures or killing tactics, as if in
homage to previous killers. This is
true both of younger shooters who
mow down unarmed people in
schools, or at random; and of old-
er men who execute innocents in
the name of an ideology — be it op-
position to immigration, white su-
premacy, radical Islam or another
extreme belief.
The man who slaughtered ele-
mentary school children and
teachers in Sandy Hook, Conn.,
had studied the Columbine mas-
sacre, among many others. The
man who shot to death 50 people
at the Pulse nightclub in Orlando,
Fla., had studied a previous at-
tack, in San Bernardino, Calif. In
both cases, the murderers cited
radical Islam as justification.
The young man accused of
shooting to death more than 20
adults and children in a Walmart
in El Paso, Tex., over the weekend
had seen the video posted by the
man who gunned down unarmed
worshipers at mosques in Christ-
church, New Zealand.
Forensic psychologists say that
many would-be mass killers see
themselves as part of a brother-
hood of like-minded, isolated and
resentful boys and men. To them,
previous mass murderers may be
perceived as idols and pioneers.
Are video games to blame for
mass shootings?
The results of studies attempting
to clarify the relationship between
violent video games and ag-
gression have been mixed, with
experts deeply divided on the
findings. A just-published analy-
sis of the research to date con-
cludes that “in the vast majority of
settings, violent video games do
increase aggressive behavior” —
but that “these effects are almost
always quite small.”
The “aggression” in question
falls well short of assault with a
weapon, never mind mass mur-
der. So the weight of scientific
opinion is that video games are
not a decisive factor when a spree
killer decides to act.
Establishing a persuasive link
between shooting digital figures
from the couch and real people in
a mall or school is a long shot. A
huge proportion of males in the
United States have played or are
playing video games; only a hand-
ful commit mass murders. And
video games are even more popu-
lar in Asian countries, where mass
killings are far rarer.
How strong is the link between
mental illness and mass shoot-
ings?
Tenuous, at best. People who
blame mass shootings on “the
mentally ill” are usually reason-
ing backward from the act itself:
the person just shot 20 unarmed
strangers, so he must be “crazy.”
In fact, scientists find that only
a small fraction of people with per-
sistent mental distress are more
likely than average to commit vio-
lent acts: patients with paranoid
schizophrenia, which is character-
ized by delusional thinking and of-
ten so-called command hallucina-
tions — frightening voices identi-
fying threats where none exist.
People living in this kind of mi-
sery are far more likely to be the
victims of violence than perpetra-
tors, but they can act violently
themselves, especially when us-
ing drugs or alcohol. The clearest
recent example is Jared Lough-
ner, the college student who
opened fire at an event in Tucson,
Ariz., hosted by former Rep. Ga-
brielle Giffords in 2011, killing six
and wounding 13. Mr. Loughner’s
online posts demonstrated in-
creasing drug use and paranoid
fantasies.
About one in five mass murder-
ers shows evidence of psychosis,
according to Dr. Michael Stone, a
forensic psychiatrist who main-
tains data on some 350 murderers
going back more than a century.
The other 80 percent have many
of the problems that nearly every-
one has to manage at some point
in life: anger, isolation, depressive
moods, resentments, jealousy.
Would drugging or confining
people showing “red flags” pre-
vent massacres?
No one knows for certain. In his
speech, Mr. Trump mentioned the
teenager who in 2018 killed 17 peo-
ple a high school in Parkland, Fla.
It’s a good example: Before his
murder spree, the shooter talked
of his intentions to such an extent
that classmates joked that he was
the student most likely to shoot up
the school.
“Unfortunately, it is wishful
thinking to believe that there is a
simple set of warning signs, a
phone app or a checklist which
can be used to identify a mass
shooter,” said Dr. Deborah Weis-
brot, director of the outpatient
clinic of child and adolescent psy-
chiatry at Stony Brook University.
She has interviewed about 200
young people, mostly teenage
boys, who have made threats.
“There is no specific ‘profile’ of
a shooter, as is still often some-
times assumed — there have been
both male and female shooters,
and different socioeconomic back-
grounds,” she said.
Red-flag policies, tracking
threats and other signs of trouble,
have been in place for years in
some school districts around the
country. Would-be shooters often
reveal their intentions in dark
asides or rants online. They may
profess respect for past mass
killers even as they stockpile
weapons and ammunition.
Los Angeles County, in particu-
lar, has intervened in scores of
such cases since its program was
implemented in 2007. It has not
had a major school shooting,
though there is no way to know if
the program has prevented any.
Still, such preventive measures
get students into therapy, and
alert parents and teachers to
warning signs: they do not re-
quire forced drugging and con-
finement before any crime has
been committed. Implementing
that kind of policy would require a
thoughtful reconsideration of indi-
vidual rights in this country —
which, given partisan gridlock, is
not likely to happen.
What Drives People to Mass Shootings? Scientists Have Some Answers
By BENEDICT CAREY
an attack upon our nation and a
crime against all of humanity,” Mr.
Trump said of the massacre in El
Paso on Saturday and another in
Dayton, Ohio, on Sunday — at one
point incorrectly referring to Tole-
do as the site of those killings. The
Dayton gunman is not known to
have had a political motive.
Between the two shootings, 31
people have now died.
Mr. Trump, who will visit Day-
ton and El Paso on Wednesday,
took no questions. He also did not
repeat his call on Twitter earlier in
the morning for Republicans and
Democrats to work together to
strengthen background checks
for prospective gun buyers.
That outraged Democratic
leaders in Congress, who accused
Mr. Trump of retreating from
more substantive action on gun
control under political pressure.
“It took less than three hours
for the president to back off his
call for stronger background
check legislation,” Speaker Nancy
Pelosi and Senator Chuck Schu-
mer, the Democratic leader, said in
a statement. House Democrats
passed such a measure in Febru-
ary, but the Republican-controlled
Senate has not acted on it.
Even some Republicans called
on Monday for that blockade to
end. Senators Susan Collins of
Maine, Mike Braun of Indiana and
Patrick J. Toomey of Pennsylva-
nia all said a bill to expand back-
ground checks for gun purchases
should be brought to a vote. Mr.
Toomey and Senator Joe Manchin
III, Democrat of West Virginia,
separately called Mr. Trump to
discuss the background checks
bill that they drafted after the
massacre at Sandy Hook Elemen-
tary School in 2012, only to see it
fall to a filibuster.
“The president showed a will-
ingness to work with us on the is-
sue of strengthening background
checks,” the senators said in a
joint statement.
Mr. Trump’s first comments,
made in early-morning Twitter
posts, set some gun control advo-
cates up for disappointment.
“We cannot let those killed in El
Paso, Texas, and Dayton, Ohio, die
in vain,” Mr. Trump wrote, adding
that “Republicans and Democrats
must come together and get
strong background checks, per-
haps marrying this legislation
with desperately needed immi-
gration reform.”
Mr. Trump had spent the week-
end at his golf resort in Bedmin-
ster, N.J., where he was thinly
staffed as news of the shootings
unfolded. Perusing the news in
isolation, Mr. Trump tweeted sev-
eral expressions of sympathy,
along with more combative shots
at the news media and his liberal
critics.
By Sunday night, when Jared
Kushner, his son-in-law and senior
adviser, joined him for his return
to Washington, Mr. Trump’s aides
recognized that he needed to do
more. Some advisers suggested
that background checks would be
an easy, bipartisan measure to en-
dorse, but Mr. Trump was uncer-
tain. When early drafts of his re-
marks began circulating, they did
not mention background checks
or immigration, according to two
people briefed on them.
So aides were startled to dis-
cover that the president, sitting in
the White House residence, had
posted a tweet linking the two is-
sues.
In a small meeting with Mr.
Trump in his residence before the
speech, several aides argued that
the linkage was a mistake, and the
president dropped both the immi-
gration idea and the call for back-
ground checks from his prepared
remarks.
It was not immediately clear
what other gun control proposals
Mr. Trump had been referring to
on Twitter. The House passed
back-to-back bills on firearms
soon after Democrats took con-
trol, voting in February to require
background checks for all gun
buyers, including those at gun
shows and on the internet, and to
extend waiting periods for would-
be gun buyers flagged by the ex-
isting instant-check system.
Instead of focusing on meas-
ures to limit the sale of firearms,
Mr. Trump’s later remarks at the
White House ticked through a list
of proposals that Republicans
have long endorsed as alterna-
tives. They included unspecified
action to address “gruesome and
grisly video games” and “a culture
that celebrates violence.”
Trying for a somber tone at the
White House, Mr. Trump repeated
his past endorsement of so-called
red-flag laws that would allow for
the confiscation of firearms from
people found to be mentally ill and
said mental health laws should be
changed to allow for the involun-
tary confinement of people at risk
of committing violence. He gave
no indication of how he would pur-
sue any of his goals.
Mr. Trump also warned that the
internet and social media provide
“a dangerous avenue to radicalize
disturbed minds and perform de-
mented acts.” But the president
has himself amplified right-wing
voices online with histories of rac-
ism and bigotry.
Mr. Trump also emphasized
steps to better identify and re-
spond to signs of mental illness
that could lead to violence, repeat-
ing a familiar conservative formu-
lation that de-emphasizes the sig-
nificance of widely available fire-
arms.
“Mental illness and hatred pulls
the trigger, not the gun,” Mr.
Trump said. Calling those who
carry out mass shootings “men-
tally ill monsters,” he also said he
was directing the Justice Depart-
ment to propose legislation calling
for the death penalty for “those
who commit hate crimes and
mass murders.”
He added that he had “asked the
F.B.I. to identify all further re-
sources they need to investigate
and disrupt hate crimes and do-
mestic terrorism — whatever
they need.”
Gun control groups reacted
sharply to Mr. Trump’s address.
“Let’s be clear: This is not about
mental health. It’s not about video
games. It’s not about movies,” said
John Feinblatt, the president of
Everytown for Gun Safety, a gun
control group. “Those are all
N.R.A. talking points. This is
about easy access to guns.”
Mr. Trump has previously de-
nounced racism with scripted re-
marks that sounded out of tune
with his typical language. After
the killing of a counterprotester at
a white-power rally in Charlottes-
ville, Va., two years ago, he called
white supremacists “repugnant to
everything we hold dear as Amer-
icans.”
But those remarks followed ear-
lier off-the-cuff comments by the
president, who had been criticized
for not more forcefully denounc-
ing the “Unite the Right” rally,
which was organized by neo-Na-
zis. Instead he condemned “ha-
tred, bigotry and violence on
many sides, on many sides.” Mr.
Trump later declared that the
event had “some very fine people
on both sides.”
Aides said that he was referring
to nonviolent protesters defend-
ing Southern heritage, and that he
was angry that the news media
had not paid more attention to left-
wing Antifa activists who en-
gaged in violence.
In March, after an avowed
white supremacist killed 51 people
at two mosques in New Zealand,
Mr. Trump said he did not “really”
see a rising threat from white na-
tionalism. “It’s a small group of
people,” he added.
The president has also previ-
ously declared himself a support-
er of stronger gun control, only to
retreat from the issue. After a gun-
man killed 17 at a high school in
Parkland, Fla., last year, Mr.
Trump startled Republican law-
makers that February when on
live television, he appeared to em-
brace comprehensive gun control
legislation that would expand
background checks, keep guns
from mentally ill people and re-
strict gun sales for some young
adults.
But he made little effort to fol-
low through.
In Texas, law enforcement offi-
cials arrested a suspect, Patrick
Crusius, a 21-year-old white man
from Allen, which is about a 10-
hour drive from the Walmart in El
Paso where the gunman opened
fire on Saturday. In his manifesto,
Mr. Crusius said he supported the
mass shootings in New Zealand.
The gunman in Dayton fired on
popular night-life spot with a high-
capacity magazine that can hold
100 rounds of ammunition. Nine
people were killed, including the
sister of the suspect, Connor
Betts, 24.
Some of the Democrats cam-
paigning for their party’s presi-
dential nomination condemned
Mr. Trump for not calling the El
Paso attack a white supremacist
act of domestic terrorism and
blamed the White House for fuel-
ing white nationalist sentiment.
No federal agency is responsi-
ble for designating domestic ter-
rorism organizations, as has been
the case for international terror-
ism. Similarly, there is no criminal
charge of domestic terrorism, and
suspects who are by definition
considered domestic terrorists
are charged under other laws,
such as hate crime, gun and con-
spiracy statutes.
According to F.B.I. statistics,
there have been eight mass shoot-
ings in the United States since
2017 in which the attackers es-
poused white supremacist views.
Trump Condemns Hate, but Not Guns
From Page A
President Trump, with Vice
President Mike Pence at the
White House, delivered a
10-minute speech in which he
urged that “sinister ideologies”
of bigotry be defeated.
DOUG MILLS/THE NEW YORK TIMES
Eileen Sullivan and Sheryl Gay
Stolberg contributed reporting.
White extremist ideology has been
linked to some of the deadliest active-
shooter episodes in the United States in
recent years, showing the potential for in-
tense violence among adherents who con-
gregate online to cheer on racist attacks.
Since 2011, suspects with ties to white
extremism have carried out at least 17 ac-
tive-shooter attacks, according to an anal-
ysis of F.B.I. and other data. The agency
describes an active shooter as “an indi-
vidual actively engaged in killing or at-
tempting to kill people in a populated
area.”
The suspect in the shooting rampage
on Saturday at a Walmart store in El Paso
was the latest to promote his ideology
with an anti-immigrant manifesto posted
minutes before he opened fire, killing 22
and injuring dozens more.
In the document, the suspect said he
supported the actions of another gunman,
who killed 51 people at two mosques in
Christchurch, New Zealand, this year.
The episode highlights the growing in-
ternational connections among white ex-
tremists, as well as a shift in what drives
the uniquely American phenomenon of
mass shootings.
The Christchurch shooter
said he was inspired by
the Norway attacker.
Three killers made
statements online
supporting the Isla
Vista attacker.
Norway
attacks
Killed 77
Overland Park,
Kan., Jewish
community center
Killed 3
Isla Vista,
Calif.
Killed 6
Charleston,
S.C., church
Killed 9
Roseburg, Ore.,
community
college
Killed 9
Munich
mall
Killed 9
Quebec
City
mosque
Killed 6
Aztec, N.M.,
high school
Killed 2
Tallahassee, Fla.
Killed 2
Pittsburgh
synagogue
Killed 17
Poway, Calif.,
synagogue
Killed 1
El Paso
Killed 22
2019 2018 2017 2016 2015 2014 2013 2012 2011
These two shooters
corresponded directly.
Oak Creek, Wis.,
Sikh temple
Killed 6
Global Connections Among White Extremist Gunmen
A number of deadly white extremist shootings in the United States have been linked to similar white extremist attacks overseas. Circles show the number of people killed in all
those shootings, and red circles and lines show connections from later attackers to the earlier attackers who influenced them.
Both the El Paso and
Poway gunmen praised the
Christchurch shooter in
manifestos posted online.
Christchurch
mosque
Killed 50
Sources: F.B.I.; Global Terrorism Database THE NEW YORK TIMES
Charleston, S.C. Parkland, Fla. El Paso
2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019
Recent Active-Shooter Episodes
THE NEW YORK TIMES
Sources: F.B.I.; Global Terrorism Database
Note: 2019 data is preliminary.
Active-shooter episode White-extremist shooter
White Extremist Ideology Links Wave of Deadly Attacks
This article is by Weiyi Cai, Troy Griggs,
Jason Kao, Juliette Loveand Joe Ward.