Reflexives 421
1.2 The distribution of aba'na dibi'
Although when examined out of context the collocation aba'na dibi' bears a
striking resemblance to the English reflexive anaphor himself/herself, its distri-
bution is quite different.
In the typical case, aba'na dibi' corefers with the subject of its clause.
This is evident in (1-3), as well as (20) and (21).
(20) Nabun melle permen kaangguy aba'na dibi'.
Nabun AV.buy candy for
‘Nabun bought candy for herself.’
(21) Ika peggel ka aba'eng dibi'.
Ika angry to
‘Ika is angry at herself.’
In each of these examples aba'na/aba'eng dibi' takes its reference from the sub-
ject of the clause.
The subject need not be the antecedent, however. In (22) and (23) prepo-
sitional objects serve as antecedent.
(22) Buku se e-belli bi' Rini kaangguy aba'na dibi'.
book REL OV-buy by Rini for
‘A book is what Rini bought for herself.’
(23) Sengko' a-careta ka Sundari bab aba'na dibi'.
I AV-story to Sundari about
‘I talked to Sundari about herself.’
In (22), the post-verbal prepositional agent Rini is the antecedent, and in (23) it
is the prepositional goal Sundari.
There are marked differences with the English reflexive though. When in
subject position, aba'na dibi' can corefer with the posverbal agent of an object
voice clause.
(24) Aba'na dibi' e-kennal-lagi Rika ka Evi.
OV-know-AGI Rika to Evi
‘Rika introduced herself to Evi.’
lit. ‘Herself was introduced by Rika to Evi.’