A Grammar of Tamashek (Tuareg of Mali)

3.5 Syntactically controlled phonological processes 153

telling demonstration of the interlacing of "syntax" and "phonology" in this

language.

The same processes apply at least dialectally to verbs that follow clause-

initial Past morpheme kaela.

3.5.3.1 Erasure of ablaut lengthening (χ-pcl Erasure)

The Resit (Resultative) stem is formed from the PerfP (perfective positive), by

adding two further ablaut formatives that lengthen (χ-pcl) and accent (χ-pcl)

the first postconsonantal vowel (§3.4.4, §7.2.2.2). In definite relatives, χ-pcl

is erased, though χ-pcl (i.e. marked accent) is unaffected. The erasure does

not affect lexical full V's, but it does undo the ablaut-induced lengthening of

lexical short V's. It must therefore be formulated as an operation directly

affecting the ablaut formative. Contrast main-clause Resit aksd-n 'they-Ma

have eaten' with the object-relative counterpart α aksae-n 'what they-Ma have

eaten'; for ά see §12.1.6.3. Note that the ablaut accent χ-pcl is not erased, so

there is still audible marking of the Resit stem; contrast the accents in Resit

relative ά sksae-n 'what they have eaten' and PerfP relative α aksae-n 'what

they ate'. Ί know' is normally expressed as Resit assan-aev (stem -vssvn-),

but this becomes assaen-aer in definite relatives. Likewise, from -vzjvr- 'go

out, exit', Resit szjdr-aen 'they-Ma have gone out' combines with iket

(§13.6.6) to produce iket azjaer-aen 'they have just gone out'. An exception is

that a few frozen adjectives in the form of Resit participles retain χ-pcl after ά,

see ά 0-ol0Y-aen 'something good' (740.b) in §12.1.6.3.

The LoImpfP, part of the long imperfective system, is characterized by

several ablaut components. Aside from a vocalic melody, there is at least one

consonantal change, either gemination of the second C ('T-c2," §3.4.2.1) or

addition of a Lolmpf prefix -t- (§7.2.5.1). The remaining vocalic changes are

χ-pcl and χ-pcl (as in the Resit stem), plus χ-f (lengthening of the final-

syllable V). In definite relatives, the LoImpfP (like the Resit) erases χ-pcl

(but not χ-pcl or χ-f). Thus main-clause LoImpfP i-bass 'he vomits', but

definite subject (i.e. participial) relative w-ά i-baessae-n 'he who vomits'.

(130) χ-pcl Erasure (Resit and LoImpfP in Definite Relative)

In definite relative clauses and (dialectally) after Past kasla (see

below), the χ-pcl ablaut formative is erased (omitted) on the verb

(or participle).

The distinction in Malian Tamashek between the ordinary LoImpfP and

the shortened version in definite relatives has been observed and commented

on by Leguil (2000), who connects the shortened version with the

corresponding imperfective in Ghadames Berber, and proposes a multi-stage

historical evolution.