A Grammar of Tamashek (Tuareg of Mali)

(Jeff_L) #1
488 8 Verbal derivation

(505) LoImpfP Definite Participles for Light V-Final 'butcher' and 'drink'

MaSg FeSg MaPl

a. 'butcher' (LoImpfP Ι-Χ-ύι-Γ)

w-α i-t-iss-n t-ά 0-t-isa-t w-i t-iss-nen

b. 'drink' (LoImpfP /-sdssA-/)

w-α i-ssessas-n t-ά 0-saessae-t w-i sasssae-nen

Disregarding the accents for the moment (see below), we observe schwa

(rather than ae) as the result of VV-Contraction from /i-ae/ in the singular

forms. There is also a schwa representing III before PI suffix -nen. These are

the normal manifestations of hi and call for no special phonology here.

The accentual alternations in (505) are remarkable. The PI participle has an

accent shift onto the stem-final a or ae. The fact that the FeSg participles

0-t-is9-t and 0-sasssae-t are entirely unaccented, forcing phrasal accent on the

preceding demonstrative, indicates that Default Accentuation applies at a late

point. As shown below, FeSg participles of heavier verbs show the same

accent shift (Rightward Accent Shift (132)) that applies to the PI participle.

As shown by paradigms of (non-participial) LoImpfP verbs in non-subject

definite relatives (§12.1.2-4), the basic principle is that Rightward Accent Shift

applies when the ablaut accent χ-pel targets the first stem syllable, and when

there is no (potentially) syllabic subject prefix (like 3MaSg i-). Given that

FeSg LoImpfP definite participles undergo Rightward Accent Shift (since the

3FeSg t- prefix is zeroed and is therefore not syllabic), the conclusion is that

e.g. 0-t-isa-t in (505) starts out as /t-t-isi-aet/, becomes /0-t-is3-ast/ by

Rightward Accent Shift (after the t- prefix is deleted), and then abruptly loses

its accent as the /a-ae/ combination contracts to 3. Since there is no reason for a

marked accent to be deleted in the course of VV-Contraction, this requires a

special morphophonemic rule, χ-Erasure (136).

It is important to make sure that Default Accentuation does not apply at

the unaccented /0-t-iss-aet/ stage, since this would lead to surface penultimate

accent, e.g. the incorrect #0-t-is3-t. In the MaSg participles, e.g. i-t-Isa-n,

there is no reason not to allow precisely this ordering, though we would get the

same surface penultimate accent anyway since the marked ablaut accent χ-pcl

occurs precisely on this syllable.

Consider now (506), where the underlying LoImpfP stem is bisyllabic.

These forms bring out the parallelism in accent between FeSg and PI LoImpfP

definite participles, in opposition to MaSg counterparts.
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