9.6 Preverbs 591For e, a postvocalic variant he is recorded after V-final interrogative words
like ma 'what?' (643.a), and after demonstrative heads in definite relatives
(643.b).(643) a. ma he t-arhu-d
what? Fut 2S-want.ShImpf-2SgS
'What will you-Sg want?' [Imeddedeghan]b. ae-hatas [w-α he skhy3-n]
Sg-person [Ma-Dem.Sg Fut eat-Partpl.MaSg]
'the man who will eat' [K]The dialectal variants mar and e combine in different ways with a
preceding Negative particle (and any clitics present); see §9.6.4, just below.
The two variants also interact differently with participial endings (§8.5.6.2).
9.6.4 Combinations of preverbs
The relative ordering in T-ka is Past + Neg + Fut. To my knowledge Past and
Fut do not co-occur, so the attested combinations are Past + Neg and Neg +
Fut.
Past + Neg is not particularly common, since the simple perfective is the
common translation equivalent of English past negatives ('he did not go', 'she
was not sick'). The combination ksela wasr plus PerfN stem (which is
sometimes homophous to the PerfP) is used to denote a temporally extended
negative state, and can be generalized as an experiential negation 'not ever'.
Examples of kaela waer and of the simple perfective negative are in (644.a-b).
(644) a. kaela war Vqqima
Past Neg 3MaSgS-sit.PerfN
'He was not sitting.' or 'He has not ever sat.'
b. war 1-qqima
Neg 3MaSgS-sit.PerfN
'He didn't sit down.'The K-d speaker often put kasld after wsr (645), though he also allowed
kasla wasr ordering. The examples below, which were glossed with 'never',
mostly show verbs in the Resit stem (as shown by the accent). The Resit verbs
are subject to the ablaut modification (χ-pcl Erasure) elsewhere typical of
definite relative clauses (§3.5.3.1), as shown by the failure of lexical short V's
to lengthen. Further grammatical study of this dialect is needed to clarify the
significance of the ablaut modification.