62 3 Phonology
depending on what other rules apply (gemination, syncope, accent shift).
A-grm, on the other hand, has a-s-akni, retaining the original final V, so no
resyllabification is needed there.
As these examples show, resyllabification takes the form of insertion of a
(Final-CC Schwa-Insertion, see below) to break up a nongeminate final CC
cluster whose second element is a sonorant, and is accompanied in T-ka by
accent shift onto the epenthetic schwa and by gemination of the final C. The
accent shift (Epenthetic-Vowel Accentuation) and the doubling of the final
sonorant in the VblN and other nominalizations (Stem-Final Gemination) are
covered in §3.3.2. Both processes are characteristic of T-ka but do not apply in
most other dialects. Even in T-ka, neither is a general phonological rule,
though both are parasitic on Final-CC Schwa-Insertion.
Final-CC Schwa-Insertion also feeds Short-V Harmony, though this
interaction is somewhat difficult to analyse. The relevant fact here is the shift
of the initial /as/ in e.g. /askni/ 'make!-Sg' to a in akan, apparently under the
influence of the medial schwa. See §3.2.6, below, for discussion.
Consider the data in (43), which show the morphological contexts where
Resyllabification can occur. In all cases the stem in question is an
unaugmented verb whose final V is deletable.
(43) Morphological Contexts for Resyllabification (V-Final Stems, T-ka)
a. for -VPQD- verbs (Q a sonorant)- Sg Imprt (and other word-final short imperfectives)
/asjli/
/sejl/
ajal 'go!
(cf. MaPl sejl-aet 'go!')
I'underlying
after Stem-Final i/A~Deletion- Sg Imprt of prefixal derivation
/m-aeswA/
/m-aesw/
underlying
after Stem-Final i/A-Deletion
m-aesaew '(liquid) be drunk!'
(cf. MaPl Imprt m-aesw-aet)- Agentive (§8.8.1)
/e-m-aeswi/
/e-m-aesw/
underlying (arguably /e-m-aeswA/)
after Stem-Final i/A-Deletion
e-m-assaeww 'drinker; water source'
(cf. ΡΠ-m-aesw-an)