The Spartan Regime_ Its Character, Origins, and Grand Strategy - Paul Anthony Rahe

(Dana P.) #1

Notes to Pages 126–29 191


otenfrage in der Geschichte Spartas,” in Die Rolle der Volksmassen in der Geschichte der vorkapital­
istischen Gesellschaftsformationen, ed. Joachim Herrmann and Irmgard Sellnow (Berlin: Akademie
Verlag, 1975), 109–16, repeatedly remarked, the peculiar form of property relations predominant
at Sparta was intimately bound up with the peculiar status of the helots.



  1. See Christopher B. R. Pelling, “Plutarch’s Adaptation of His Source Material,” JHS 100
    (1980): 127–40, reprinted in Pelling, Plutarch and History: Eighteen Studies (London: Duckworth,
    2002), 91–115.
    7.Note, in this connection, Teles F3 (Hense) ap. Stob. Flor. 3.40.8 (Hense).
    8.Cf. Cynthia Patterson, The Family in Greek History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
    Press, 1998), 250 n. 12, and Hodkinson, PWCS, 72.
    9.See, for example, Ducat, SE, 53–57.

  2. See David Asheri, “Sulla legge di Epitadeo,” Athenaeum 39 (1961): 45–68; Pavel Oliva,
    Sparta and Her Social Problems (Amsterdam: Adolf M. Hakkert, 1971), 188–93; Jacqueline Chris-
    tien, “La Loi d’Epitadeus: Un Aspect de l’histoire économique et sociale à Sparte,” RD, 4th ser., 52
    (1974): 197–221; Ephraim David, “The Conspiracy of Cinadon,” Athenaeum 57 (1979): 239–59,
    and Sparta Between Empire and Revolution (404–243 B.C.): Internal Problems and Their Impact on
    Contemporary Greek Consciousness (New York: Ayer, 1981), 5–10, 43–77; and Gabriele Marasco,
    “La Retra di Epitadeo e la situazione sociale di Sparta nel IV secolo,” AC 49 (1980): 131–45. Cf.
    Eckart Schütrumpf, “The Rhetra of Epitadeus: A Platonist’s Fiction,” GRBS 28:4 (1987): 441–57—
    who bases his argument for rejecting Plutarch’s report on a demonstrably false premise: that Plut.
    Agis 5.3–7 is incompatible with the claims advanced concerning Sparta’s property regime by Aris-
    totle in The Politics—with the secondary literature cited in note 13, below. It is, moreover, far
    simpler to suppose that the deployment of Platonic political psychology in Plut. Agis 5.3–7 is
    Plutarch’s work, as it surely is elsewhere in his corpus, than to accept Schütrumpf ’s completely
    unfounded assertion that the biographer mindlessly copied a fiction invented by some unidenti-
    fiable Platonist of an earlier time. Moreover, Plutarch may not be as much of a Platonist as
    Schütrumpf thinks: see Hugh Liebert, “Plutarch’s Critique of Plato’s Best Regime,” HPTh 30:2
    (Summer 2009): 251–71.

  3. See John F. Lazenby, “The Archaia Moira: A Suggestion,” CQ n.s. 45:1 (1995): 87–91. If
    Lazenby is correct in supposing that the passage in Heracleides Lembus refers to a prohibition
    against selling not the klēˆros itself but the apophorá paid by the helots working the klēˆros, what is
    at stake is far less likely to be the tribute in kind paid a particular Spartiate in any given month than
    his right to that apophorá.

  4. This passage poses, I believe, an insuperable obstacle for the argument advanced by Ste-
    phen Hodkinson. It is not, then, surprising that he is so eager to get rid of the archaîa moîra that
    he descends into special pleading: cf. Hodkinson, PWCS, 85–90.

  5. The claim that Aristotle’s testimony in The Politics is incompatible with Plut. Agis 5.3–7
    is demonstrably false: cf. Hodkinson, PWCS, 90–94, with Ephraim David, “Aristotle and Sparta,”
    AncSoc 13–14 (1982–83): 67–103, and Lévy, “Le Régime lacédémonien dans la Politique d’Aristote,”
    59–61.

  6. Aristotle as a likely source for the story concerning Epitadeus’ law: Gabriele Marasco,
    “Aristotele come fonte di Plutarco nelle biografie di Agide e Cleomene,” Athenaeum 56 (1978):
    170–81. Although Giovanni Parmeggiani, “Isotimia: Considerazioni sulla storia e sulla storiogra-
    fia su Sparta in età arcaica e classica,” RSA 34 (2004): 73–127, and Paul Christesen, “Spartans and
    Scythians, a Meeting of Mirages: The Portrayal of the Lycurgan Politeia in Ephorus’ Histories,” in
    S B P, 211–63, do not raise the possibility that Ephorus might be a source for the tale, this possibility
    is a logical consequence of the account they give of the historian’s treatment of Sparta’s decline.
    Ephorus was exceedingly diligent in his research: Victor Parker, “The Historian Ephorus: His Se-
    lection of Sources,” Antichthon 38 (2004): 29–50.
    1 5.See the stimulating discussion of Henri Jeanmaire, Couroi et courètes: Essai sur l’éducation
    spartiate et sur les rites d’adolescence dans l’antiquité hellénique (Lille: Bibliothèque Universitaire,
    1939), 481–90, who treats the public allotment as a species of fief conferred on the warriors of the
    community.
    16.Figueira, “The Nature of the Spartan Klēros,” 61–63, rightly harps on this point.

  7. See Josef Mélèze-Modrzejewski, “Régime foncier et status social dans l’Egypt ptolé-

Free download pdf