16 For a representative example of this view, which teleologically privileges Han
arabalist development and ignores pastoralism, see Yu Tongyuan and Wang
Laigang,“Qingdai zhongyuan renkou bei yi.”
17 Dodgen,Controlling the Dragon, 146. Also note Dodgen’s discussion of
debates over the efficiency of the Jiaqing and Daoguang era statecraft ( 3 – 5 ,
145 – 46 ).
18 Zhou Qiong,“Qingdai Yunnan neidihua shengtai bianqian.”
19 Perdue,“Official Goals and Local Interests,” 747 , 754 , 756 – 57 , 761 , 763.
20 Schoppa,“State, Society, and Land Reclamation,” 250 – 51 ; Huang Liuhong,
A Complete Book, 217 ; Ya-er-tu,“Kan bao kai ken xu shi shu,” 1 : 851 a– 52 a;
Tao Zhu,Tao Wen Yi Gong (Zhu) ji, 2 : 953 – 86.
21 Elvin,“Three Thousand Years of Unsustainable Growth,” 10 , 11.
22 QSL,JQ 9 / 2 / 11 , 29 : 700 b– 701 b. Long before in 1777 the Qianlong emperor
was expressing concern that the proximity of Jilin to Fengtian’s itinerant Han
population endangered the former area as a reserve for borderland Manchu
identity;Qingdai Sanxing Fudutong Yamen Man Han wen dang’an xuanbian,
4 , 133 – 36.
23 Schelsinger,“Qing Invention of Nature,” 24 – 25.
24 Qingdai Zhong-E guanxi dang’an shiliao xuanbian, 1 : 181. 208 – 09 ,
1 : 183. 210 – 11 , 1 : 192. 224 – 25.
25 Da Qing huidian(GX), 141 a–b.Qingdai Zhong-E guanxi dang’an shiliao
xuanbian, 1 : 183. 210 – 11.
26 Pan Jinglong and Zhang Xuanru, eds.,Jilin gongpin,XT 2 / 1 / 16 , 25 – 27 ;QSL,
GX 32 / 12 / 3 , 59 : 511 a. Such evidence of fragile cultivation conditions should
qualify generalized statements that“Manchuria...was particularly well-
suited for agriculture”; Reardon-Anderson,Reluctant Pioneers, 11 .“Manchu-
ria”was actually quite patchy at best in this respect, as noted inChapter 3.
27 Huang Qing zouyi, 3 : 1087 – 1104. The condition of Bedune and its environs as
dual sites of Manchu agriculture and foraging is indicated by reports of ginseng
poaching in 1733 , when the town was also identified as a grain source for
Khorchin relief; MWLF YZ 11 / 8 / 17 [ 03 - 172 - 0901 - 001 ], 11 / 7 / 1 [ 03 - 173 - 1032 -
016 ]. It is probably significant that the 1810 report does not mention ginseng in
its discussion of forage despite deployment of outposts in ginsengfields
around 1733.
28 Huang Qing zouyi, 3 : 1087 – 1104.
29 Pan Jinglong and Zhang Xuanru, eds.,Jilin gongpin,XT 2 / 1 / 16 , pp. 25 – 27.
A perceived pastoral or foraging vacuum, sometimes arising from existing
deforestation, seems to have regularly attracted agrarian interest. Heilongjiang
lands around Hulan“formerly”foraged for ginseng and pearls did so in 1857 ,
forests around Shengjing and Daqingshan pastures near Hohhot followed a
year later and Jilin hunting grounds did likewise in 1861 ;QSL,XF 7 / 6 / 4 ,
43 : 567 a–b, XF 8 / 6 / 24 , 991 b, XF 9 / 10 / 6 , 44 : 347 a– 48 b, TZ 7 / 8 / 24 , 340 b– 41 b.
30 Da-sheng Wu-la difang xiangtu zhi, 151 – 54. Some late Qing and early Min-
gguo gazetteers indicate that large-scale deforestation in a number of areas
began in the Tongzhi reign; Li Li and Liang Mingwu,“Ming Qing shiqi
dongbei diqu shengtai huanjing bianhua,” 113 – 16.
31 MWLF, QL 7 / 4 / 25 [ 03 - 174 - 1495 - 002 ]; QL 7 / 5 / 6 [ 03 - 170 - 0055 - 009 ].