32 MWLF, QL 3 / 6 / 21 [ 03 - 172 - 0734 - 006 ], 4 / 2 / 14 [ 03 - 173 - 1054 - 001 ].
33 Ding Junna et al.,“Lüelun Qingdai ziran ziyuan,” 28 – 30.
34 Zhang Zhidong,Zhang Zhidong quanshu, 1 : 18 b– 20 a.
35 Zhang Zhidong,Zhang Zhidong quanshu, 1 : 28 b– 29 b.
36 Zhang Zhidong,Zhang Zhidong quanshu, 1 : 28 b– 29 b.
37 Osborne,“The Politics of Land Reclamation,” 37.
38 Da Qing huidian shili(GX), 8 : 1124 b– 29 b; 1131 b– 32 a. See also the overview
in Yi-du-he-xi-ge,Menggu minzu tongshi, disi juan, 4 : 265 – 70 , and a brief
discussion of the Gorlos case in Zhao Zhiheng,Nei Menggu tongshi, 3 : 122.
For an earlier 1727 case, which relies on decisions in 1712 and 1723 – 25 to
institutionalize Han farmer residence north of the Jiangjia and Gubei passes,
seeQSL,YZ 5 / 2 / 23 , 7 : 808 b– 09 b. Such decisions, more ad hoc in the eighteen
century but increasingly systematized in the nineteenth, were generally justi-
fied as alternatives to disruptive mass relocations of thousands of Han settlers;
QSL JQ 11 / 7 / 14 , 30 : 130 a– 31 a, JQ 11 / 7 / 20 , 30 : 137 a–b, JQ 15 / 11 / 1 ,
31 : 175 b–a.
39 Zhang Yongjiang,“Neidihua yu yitihua,” 298 – 326 ”; Reardon-Anderson,
Reluctant Pioneers, 7 – 8.
40 Such an extrapolation was even of limited application throughout China
proper; Dunstan,“Heirs of Yu,” 522.
41 Zhao Zhiheng,Nei Menggu tongshi, 3 : 107 ; Will and Wong,Nourish the
People, 22 , 531.
42 Fernandez-Gimenez,“The Role of Mongolian Pastoralists’,” 1322 ; Hum-
phrey and Sneath,“Introduction,” 4 – 5 ; Mearns,“Decentralization, Rural
Livelihoods and Pasture-Land Management,” 140 – 41. Mearns observes that
IMAR vegetation conditions are even worse than Mongolia’s,“a clear dem-
onstration of the importance of pastoral mobility for sustainable grassland
management in dryland Inner Asia,”( 150 ). Fernandez-Gimenez provides
evidence for a“universal conviction”among herders interviewed that private
ownership of rangeland“would lead to disaster”by arbitrarily denying access
to herds in distress from unpredictable ecological shifts, ( 1323 ).
43 Zhu Qiqian,Dong San Sheng Mengwu gongdu huibian, 31 : 355 b. Cited in Su
De,“Guanyu Qingmo Neimenggu xibu diqu de fangken,” 437.
44 See the twentieth-century discussion in Sneath,Changing Inner Mongolia,
133 – 37. For the Qing period, see Xiao Ruiling et al.,Ming-Qing Nei Menggu
xibu diqu kaifa, 149 – 74.
45 Branigan,“Mongolia: How the Winter of‘White Death’Devastated Nomads’
Way of Life.”
46 Inner Mongolia’s nineteenth-century uprisings were quite limited and ineffec-
tual; Fletcher,“The Heyday of the Ch’ing Order,” 352 ; Zhao Zhiheng,Nei
Menggu tongshi, 3 : 285 – 305.
47 Atwill,“Blinkered Visions,” 1085 – 86.
48 Zhou Qiong and Li Mei,“Qing zhong hou qi Yunnan shanqu nongye sheng-
tai,” 127 – 28.
49 For surveys of these steles’content, see Yan Shaomei and Zhang Xinchang,
“Qingdai Yunnan Yizu diqu senlin shengtai baohu beike,” 37 – 40 ; Shimizu
Toru,“Yunnan nanbu de shengtai huanjing beike.”