85 Jiang Yongjiang,“Lun Qingdai monan Menggu,” 33 – 35. The terms“hos-
huu”and“jasag”are also transliterated, more technically, as“qošiɣun”and
“jasaγ,”respectively.
86 Important anthologies in Chinese on the Chengde complex include Bishu
Shanzhuang yanjiu huibian, ed.,Bishu Shanzhuang luncong; Dai Yi, ed.,
Qingshi yanjiu yu Bishu Shanzhuang.
87 Forêt,Mapping Chengde, 18 , 23. Chengde was not fully“multicultural,”
being a place where“the Manchu ruling elite often associated with their Inner
Asian subjects...more closely than they did with Han Chinese”; Dunnell and
Millward,“Introduction,” 3 – 4.
88 “Bishu Shanzhuang hou xu,”inRehe zhi, 2 : 831 – 33. For an alternative
English translation of this preface, see Hedin,Jehol, 158 – 59. The Kangxi
emperor was much more explicit in an edict from the last year of his life in
1722 when he asserted that annual battue hunting exercises were essential for
military preparedness. He went on to attribute his victories over the Zunghars
to his devotion to peacetime hunting beyond the passes;Rehe zhi, 3 : 1842 – 43.
The“Hou xu”also notes that the Yongzheng emperor shared this view of
hunting, although he never went to Chengde himself.
89 Elverskog, Our Great Qing, 135 – 39 , 145 – 46 ; Elverskog, “Wutai
Shan,” 252.
90 Rehe zhi, 4 : 2635 – 39. The Qianlong emperor’s personal and public commit-
ments to Buddhism are controversial. For a recent study, see Luo Wenhua,
Longpao yu Jiasha. Luo sees a critical distinction between political policy and
personal piety that can resolve the emperor’s otherwise contradictory
expressions.
91 Chang,A Court on Horseback, 7 – 18 , 87 – 91 , 138. Significantly for my point
here, Chang cites two versions of the“decisive”sources of patrimonial dom-
ination, military and judicial or military andfiscal;ibid., 12. This emphasis on
arms does not exclude other considerations but certainly suggests an order of
priority.
92 Wei Yuan,Shengwu ji, 1 : 100 ; Zhao Yi,“Menggu zha ma xi,”Yanpu zaji,
13 – 14.
93 In rejecting a 1741 a proposal to abolish imperial battue hunting rituals, for
example, the Qianlong emperor reiterated their import for both military
training and Mongol relations. He also specified that hunts were a critical
component the traditional strategies of imperial foreign relations of“cherish-
ing those from afar”(huaiyuan) and“pacifying”(huairou) vassal states;QSL,
QL 6 / 2 / 8 , 10 : 961 a–b.
94 Qianlongchao neifu chaoben‘Lifanyuan zeli,’ 27.
95 Zhao-lian,“Mu-lan xingwei zhidu,”Xiaoting zalu, 219 – 21. The Khorchin’s
distinct status most likely is based on their special marriage relations with the
imperial house.
96 Gao Shiqi,Dongxun riji, 106.
97 Cao Zhihong and Wang Xiaoxia,“Ming Qing Shaan nan yimin kaifa,”
11 – 17 ;Rehe zhi, 1 : 502 ; Zhang Shizun,“Kangxi shiyi nian‘dongbei hu’,” 99.
98 Rehe zhi, 1 : 502 ; MWLF, QL 14 / 4 / 9 [ 03 - 171 - 0311 - 001 ]; QL 29 / 10 / 16 [ 03 -
181 - 2113 - 006 ].
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