and other markers, like a topic marker, provide labels to SOs in the CP
domain.
7 In languages like Chinese that do not have visible case markers and agreement
morphology, perhaps affi xes on verbal elements, instead of agreement morphol-
ogy, determine labels of SOs.
8 Lack of biuniqueness effects includes the absence of overt wh-movement (i.e.,
the absence of spec of CP), no EPP effect (i.e., the absence of spec of TP), and
the presence of scrambling (more than one spec of TP). See Fukui (1986, 1988)
and Kuroda (1988).
9 The general ban against multiple occurrences of the accusative case can be
explained if we assume that unbounded Merge is permitted only at the edge.
Alternatively, one could say that unbounded Merge is allowed within VP. How-
ever, the element within the phrase cannot be appropriately licensed. See Zushi
(2014a, b) for discussion.
10 Zushi (2014a, b) extends this structural analysis to stative sentences based on
stative verbs. She argues that the class of stative verbs is a complex predicate
formed by the process posited for adjectives, in a way that Hale and Keyser
(1993) posit for denominal verbs, such as laugh. See Zushi (2014a, b) for details.
11 Another property of NGC has been discussed in the literature, based on Harada’s
(1971) observation about an idiolectal variation among Japanese speakers with
respect to NGC. Harada observes that NGC is prohibited among one group of
speakers when some element intervenes between the (nominative) subject and
the predicate, whereas no such intervention effects appear among the other
group. Since the nature of intervention effect remains unclear, we set aside this
issue (see Harada 1976, Hiraiwa 2001, and Watanabe 1994, 1996 for some
discussions).
12 Similarly, a case particle can be directly attached to the attributive form of adjec-
tives. An accusative case particle can be attached to the attributive form yowaki
in (ia), for example, with the meaning that the one/thing that is weak.
(i) a. yowaki-o tasuke, tuyoki-o kujiku
weak-ACC help strong-ACC crush
‘Fight for the oppressed against the oppressor’
b. furuki-o tazunete, atarasiki-o siru
old-ACC learn new-ACC know
‘(You) discover new things by learning from the past’
13 This idea is in accord with Kuroda’s (1992, 1999) proposal that internally headed
relative clauses occur in the argument position, and thus are nominal in that N
is their label in Classical and Modern Japanese.
14 Note that this way of case alternation is not allowed in languages like English,
in which case valuation is contingent on agreement. In such languages, case
valuation must be carried out in the designated domain; otherwise (unvalued)
φ-features of C/T cannot be valued. However, case alternation may be possible
in some special environments, such as gerunds, even in English. See Zushi
(2014b) for discussion.
References
Baker, Mark. 1996. The polysynthesis parameter. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Baker, Mark. 2003. Lexical categories: Verbs, nouns, and adjectives. Cambridge, UK:
Cambridge University Press.
Baker, Mark, and Nadya Vinokurova. 2010. Two modalities of case assignment:
Case in Sakha. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 28:593–642.
Case and predicate-argument relations 63