76 ADMINISTRA'l'IVE ACTIVITIES 1802-1812agents, his own correspondents who kept him in touch with foreign
governments without the knowledge of Russia's regularly accredited
diplomatic representatives. Under these circumstances it could not
come as a surprise that the Emperor's closest personal advisor would
eventually be drawn into his diplomatic "game." Alexander made
Speransky the recipient of the secret reports sent by his personal agents
from abroad. In this manner, Speransky became involved in the
Emperor's personal diplomacy, although formally he did not have any
part in matters of foreign relations., Rumors about Speransky's know-
ledge of diplomatic secrets eventually seeped through to Court circles
and bolstered the belief, held by many, that the State Secretary was
an agent in the pay of Napoleon. His apparently frequent contacts and
good relations with the French Ambassador, Caulaincourt, as well as his
alleged slavish imitation of French administrative models, seemed
further evidence for his "treason." 1 The documents made available
since then, however, tell quite a different story.
Speransky early realized that sooner or later Russia and France would
clash in a war whose outcome might spell either doom or triumph
for the Russian Empire. In this he shared the conviction of Alexander
I who had been preparing for the final struggle with Napoleon ever
since Tilsit. To be able to face such a war with some chance of success,
Russia's military establishment and administration had to be in good
condition. Reorganization and reform of the government were, there-
fore, desirable for reasons of domestic policy and as a top priorityrequirement for the expected conflict with France. It was not enough
for Russia to be strong at home and have a good military establishment;
it was also of the utmost importance to know the enemy's circumstances
and be able to foresee his moves. But vital information on the economic
and political state of Napoleon's empire could not be gathered by
Russia's official diplomatic agents. Firstly, it would be in flagrant
violation of their status; secondly Alexander and Speransky did not
think them capable of doing a good job of it - a sad commentary
on the opinion in which the Russian government servant was held by
his own sovereign. Speransky, therefore, suggested sending an unofficial
or secret observer to Paris. 2 The suggestion was readily accepted by1 It is impossible to establish how frequent these contacts with Caulaincourt
might have been. The only evidence available concerns the number of times both
Speransky and Caulaincourt dined with the Emperor "en petit comiteo' (table set
for about 15 to 20 persons). The Kamerfur'erskii Zhurnal reports 8 such dinners
for the period between July 4, 1808 and June 20, 1809 inclusive.
2 Speranskii, "0 vidakh Frantsii po brachnomu soiuzu s Avstriei 1810," Russkaia
Starina, vol. 104, (1900), pp. 429ff; Lett res et papiers du chancelier comte de
Nesselrode, II, 69-70; III.