122 THE END OF THE COLD WAR
of Jews and communists. Gorbachëv’s mother spirited him off to a
nearby village for fear that he might be shot.^19 He grew up a loyal
Marxist-Leninist and both he and Raisa were proud of their cultural
hinterland. When relaxing, he loved to recite from Lermontov’s poem
‘Mtsyri’.^20 His voice revealed him as a man from Stavropol, putting the
stress in certain words in a southern fashion and he had several odd
turns of phrase of his own.^21
But Gorbachëv had greater experience of life abroad than anyone
in the Politburo except Gromyko. In 1972 he had been with a Soviet
delegation that visited Belgium.^22 He had taken his Raisa on road trips
through France and Italy, each lasting twenty-one days – an excep-
tional privilege for Soviet citizens.^23
Within minutes of the announcement of Chernenko’s death, the
news was conveyed to Washington, where staff roused President
Reagan from his bed. The American embassy in Moscow welcomed
what was happening. Later in the day, a car took Reagan over to the
Soviet embassy and he signed the condolences book. This was the
third time he had done this for a Soviet General Secretary.^24 He was
surely pleased to learn that the next leader in the Kremlin was in
sound health. As they looked for signs of change in the Politburo’s
foreign policy, Reagan and Shultz chose the path of ‘quiet diplomacy’.
When pressure was exerted upon the new General Secretary, it should
be done on a ‘one-on-one’ basis without publicity, and the American
media were to be kept out of things.^25 Reagan declined to attend the
funeral; he wanted to see genuine signs of change in the USSR before
going to Moscow. He asked Bush and Shultz to deputize for him,
although he did write a letter for the Vice President to hand over to
the new Soviet leader. The sentiments were inoffensive, the tone was
friendly. He wrote encouragingly about the recent exchanges between
the two sides in Geneva; he invited Gorbachëv to meet in America
as soon as he felt it convenient.^26 Reagan watched and waited. The
Ameri can media shared the administration’s caution. The New York
Times noted the generational turnover as well as Gorbachëv’s im -
patience for change, but cautioned against high expectations.^27
The Geneva arms talks projected by Shultz and Gromyko were set
to restart on 12 March 1985. The Americans asked whether the Krem-
lin still wanted them to go ahead. Gorbachëv answered with a firm
yes. The American delegation arrived in Switzerland under orders
to concentrate on strategic nuclear weapons. The Soviet negotiators
hoped for a more comprehensive agenda. They insisted on including