Justice among Nations. A History of International Law - Stephen C. Neff

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Bibliographic Essay 583

tory (Cambridge University Press, 2005), 167– 214. For a general account of the Caro-
line aff air, including the legal disputes to which it gave rise, see Kenneth R. Stevens,
Border Diplomacy: Th e Caroline and McLeod Aff airs in Anglo- American- Canadian
Relations, 1837– 1842 (University of Alabama Press, 1989); Reginald C. Stuart, United
States Expansionism and British North America 1775– 1871 (University of North Caro-
lina Press, 1988), 126– 47; and Martin A. Rogoff and Edward Collins Jr, “Th e Caroline
Incident and the Development of International Law,” 16 Brooklyn J. Int’l L. 493– 527
(1990). For a broad critique of positivism, see generally H. Lauterpacht, Private Law
Sources and Analogies of International Law: With Special Reference to International
Arbitration (Longmans, Green, 1927).


  1. Dissident Voices
    Various writers continued in the dualistic tradition of Grotius, accepting both natural
    law and positive law as valid components of international law. On the career of Andrés
    Bello, see Iván Jaksic, Andrés Bello: Scholarship and Nation- Building in Nineteenth-
    Century Latin America (Cambridge University Press, 2001). On his contribution to
    international relations and international law, see Louise Fawcett, “Between West and
    Non- West: Latin American Contributions to International Th ought,” 34 Int’l Hist.
    Rev. 679– 704 (2012); and Frank Griffi th Dawson, “Th e Infl uence of Andrés Bello on
    Latin- American Perceptions of Non- Intervention and State Responsibility,” 57 BYBIL
    253– 315 (1986). Very little writing is available on Kaltenborn. But see Ludwik Ehrlich,
    “Th e Development of International Law as a Science,” 105 RdC 173– 265 (1962),” 246–
    48; and Jochen von Bernstorff and Th omas Dunlap, Th e Public International Law
    Th eory of Hans Kelsen: Believing in Universal Law (Cambridge University Press, 2010),
    18– 21.
    Th ere is remarkably little writing about Bluntschli, considering how great his im-
    pact was, outside the German- speaking world as well as within it. See, however, Betsy
    Röben, Johann Caspar Bluntschli, Francis Lieber und das modern Völkerrecht 1861–
    1881 (Nomos, 2003), which contains a biographical section on Bluntschli, 40– 81. See
    also Betsy Baker Röben, “Th e Method behind Bluntschli’s Modern International
    Law,” 4 JHIL 249– 92 (2002). For much briefer treatments in En glish, see Georg Caval-
    lar, Imperfect Cosmopolis: Studies in the History of International Legal Th eory and
    Cosmopolitan Ideas (University of Wales Press, 2011), 117– 21; and C. E. Merriam Jr.,
    History of the Th eory of Sovereignty since Rousseau (Columbia University Press, 1900),
    99– 103. On Lorimer, too, there is little writing. But see A. Pearce Higgins, “La contri-
    bution de quatre grands juristes britaniques au droit international,” 40 RdC 1– 85
    (1932), 5– 22; and A. H. Campbell, “James Lorimer: A Natural Lawyer of the Nine-
    teenth Century,” 39 Grotius Soc. Trans. 211– 29 (1953).
    Regarding liberalism, Adam Smith’s contribution to international aff airs is the sub-
    ject of Andrew Wyatt Walter, “Adam Smith and the Liberal Tradition in International
    Relations,” in Ian Clark and Iver B. Neumann (eds.), Classical Th eories of International

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