The Mercenary Mediterranean_ Sovereignty, Religion, and Violence in the Medieval Crown of Aragon - Hussein Fancy

(Steven Felgate) #1

notes to pages 65–66 199


lill,” 286 – 87 : “Indeed, the higher one climbed in noble circles, the rarer the air of
confessional identity seems to have become”; ibid., 302 : “Neither Abenadalill’s
culture nor his religion presented a serious impediment for a certain integration
in the Aragonese court, and the privileges which he was accorded and the esteem
with which he was treated may even indicate a certain affection on the part of the
king for his Muslim vassal”; Echevarría Arsuaga, Caballeros en la frontera, 86 : “El
ámbito militar se mostró especialmente receptivo a este tipo de mutaciones, prob-
ablemente porque contaba más el valor del enemigo que su religión, y porque el
converso era incorporado inmediatamente a filas sin modificar su categoría dentro
el ejército, ni en la sociedad, ya que se le consideraba protegido por el monarca”;
and García Sanjúan, “Mercenarios cristianos,” 443 – 46.
87. ACA, R. 85 , fol. 113 v ( 15 Mar. 1290 ), as cited above and discussed in detail
beginning at chapter 5 n 63 , below.
88. For instance, ACA, R. 233 , fol. 18 r ( 25 Mar. 1304 ).
89. See chapter 5 for more detail on the interactions between jenets and Chris-
tian villagers.
90. Cf. Burns, “Royal Pardons in the Realms of Aragon.”
91. This privilege evolved over time into a right, which is to say that the jenets
expected it. See ACA, R. 39 , fol. 182 v ( 6 Apr. 1277 ), and ACA, R. 57 , fol. 143 r
( 4 July 1285 ), where this privilege is granted temporarily. Cf. ACA, R. 81 , fol. 84 r
( 19 Apr. 1290 ), and ACA, R. 252 , fol. 189 r ( 1298 ?), where the privilege is spoken
of as an unrestricted right.
92. See ACA, R. 81 , fol. 215 r ( 25 Nov. 1290 ), and ACA, R. 81 , fol. 234 v ( 17 Dec.
1290 ), both discussed in detail in chapter 5.
93. Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al- ‘ibar, VII: 191 ; al- Maqqarī, Nafḥ al- ṭīb, VII: 7 and IX:
54 ; and Arié, L’Espagne musulmane, 240.
94. See also Teofilo Ruiz, “Festivés, colours, et symbols du pouvoir en Castille
au XVe siècle,” Annales 3 ( 1991 ): 521 – 46 ; Diane Owen Hughes, “Sumptuary Law
and Social Relations in Renaissance Italy,” in Disputes and Settlements: Law and
Human Relations in the West, ed. John Bossy, 69 – 99 ; and Ann Rosalind Jones and
Peter Stallybrass, Renaissance Clothing and the Materials of Money. See also C. A.
Bayly, “The Origins of Swadeshi (Home Industry): Cloth and Indian Society”
in The Social Life of Things, ed. Arjun Appadurai, 285 – 322 , with thanks to Jane
Lynch for bringing these last two references to my attention.
95. Brian A. Catlos, The Victors and the Vanquished: Christians and Muslims
of Catalonia and Aragon, 1050 – 1300 , 300 – 302 ; Ferrer i Mallol, Els sarraïns, 41 ff;
Boswell, Royal Treasure, 330 ff; Teresa María Vinyoles i Vidal, La vida quotidiana
a Barcelona vers 1400 , 125 ; and Franciso Roca Traver, “Un siglo de vida Mudéjar
en la Valencia medieval ( 1238 – 1338 ),” Estudios de Edad Media de la Corona de
Aragón V ( 1952 ): 115 – 208 , esp. 146 , 160.
96. See also Thomas R. Trautmann, Dravidian Kinship, 279 : “... a soteriology,
not a sociology of reciprocity”; and Jonathan Parry, “The Gift, the Indian Gift, and
the ‘Indian Gift,’ ” Man 21 , no. 3 ( 1986 ): 453 – 73 , esp. 462 , 467.

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