Routledge Handbook of Premodern Japanese History

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Iju ̄in Y., with S. Kawai


important for the ritsuryō government, the registers did not show an attempt by the government to com-
prehend actual residence patterns of cultivators by recording them in “the same household” (dōseki) or sepa-
rating them into “different households” (besseki). See Nanbu Noboru, Nihon kodai koseki no kenkyū. For
debates on the nature of the household registers, see Sugimoto Kazuki, Nihon kodai monjo no kenkyū.
30 Sekiguchi, “Kafuchōsei kazoku no miseiritsu to nihon kodai shakai no tokushitsu ni tsuite,” originally
published in 1983. For an English version, see Sekiguchi, “The Patriarchal Family Paradigm in Eight-
Century Japan.”
31 Akashi Kazunori, Nihon kodai no shinzoku kōzō.
32 Yoshie, Nihon kodai joseishiron. Akashi argues that “mother and child plus father” was the smallest family
unit. See Akashi, Nihon kodai no shinzoku kōzō.
33 Kobayashi Shigefumi, “Kodai kon’in girei no shūhen,” originally published in 1990.
34 Sekiguchi, Nihon kodai kon’inshi no kenkyū. For a detailed discussion of this subject in English, see McCul-
lough, “Japanese Marriage Institutions.”
35 Misaki Yūko, “Kisaki no miya no sonzai keitai ni tsuite,” originally published in 1988.
36 Hashimoto Yoshinori, “Nihon no kodai kyūto.”
37 Shiga Shūzō, Chūgoku kazokuhō no genri.
38 Umemura Keiko, “Ritsuryō ni okeru josei meishō,” originally published in 1979.
39 Endō Midori, “Ryōsei kisaki seido no seiritsu.”
40 Yoshida, Ritsuryō kokka to kodai no shakai.
41 Fukutō Sanae, “Kodai no josei rōdō.” Technically, yō was also a commutation of a corvée requirement,
but in both China and Japan it was always collected in goods. The ritsuryō tax system is outlined in detail
in Dana Morris, “Land and Society.” For details on the ritsuryō military system, see Karl F. Friday, Hired
Swords: The Rise of Private Warrior Power in Early Japan and William Wayne Farris, Heavenly Warriors: the
Evolution of Japan’s Military, 500–1300.
42 Sekiguchi, “Nihon kodai no kazoku keitai to josei no chii.”
43 Kawane Yoshiyasu, “Seikatsu no henka to josei no shakaiteki chii.”
44 Ijūin Yōko, Kodai no josei kanryō. During the early eighth century, women with fifth rank or above
began receiving this privilege.
45 This information is based on a commentary, “Koki,” which was created in 738.
46 Yoshida, Ritsuryō kokka to kodai no shakai.
47 Sekiguchi, “Kafuchōsei kazoku no miseiritsu to Nihon kodai shakai no tokushitsu ni tsuite.”
48 Sakaue Yasutoshi, “Ritsuryō kokka no hō to shakai.”
49 Under the Yōrō Code, the government implemented the “shadow rank” (on’i) system, in which the
father’s rank determined his son’s starting rank at court.
50 Yoshie Akiko, Nihon kodai no uji no kōzō.
51 Fukutō, Ie seiritsushi no kenkyū.
52 Ijūin, Kodai no josei kanryō. Around the twelfth century, the role of raising curtains during the corona-
tion ceremony for the throne or kenchō was exclusively performed by a certain pair of court members—
a princess of the Shirakawahaku royal lineage and a second- level manager of the Office of Female
Chamberlains who was also a wet nurse of the tennō. See Kuriyama Keiko, “Tenji shiron.”
53 See Fukutō Sanae, Heianchō no ie to josei; Umemura Keiko, “Sekkanke no seisai.”
54 Fukutō, Heianchō no ie to josei.
55 Fukutō, “ ‘Ie’ no seiritsu to jendā”; McCullough, “Japanese Marriage Institutions in the Heian
Period.”
56 Fukutō, “ ‘Ie’ no seiritsu to jendā.” For further information about the sex trade in Japanese history, see
Fukutō Sanae, “Nihon ni okeru baibaishun no seiritsu to henyō”; or Janet R. Goodwin, Selling Songs and
Smiles: The Sex Trade in Heian and Kamakura Japan.
57 Cavanaugh, however, was not overly optimistic about women’s power. By drawing on Peter Nicker-
son’s study on web- like horizontal and vertical alliances based on matrilocal marriages, Cavanaugh
underscores male- centered political maneuvers with the use of women as “pawns” in the context of the
top- ranking aristocratic family. While Nickerson suggests negotiated power relations between men and
women, Cavanaugh challenges the idea of “male- female cooperation in the deployment of uxorilocal
residential assets, particularly cloth wealth.” See Carole Cavanaugh, “Text and Textile: Unweaving the
Female Subject in Heian Writing”; Nickerson, “The Meaning of Matrilocality.”
58 See, for example, Fukutō Sanae, “From Female Sovereign to Mother of the Nation: Women and Gov-
ernment in the Heian Period.”
59 Yoshikawa Shinji, “Heian jidai ni okeru nyōbō no sonzai keitai,” originally published in 1995.

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