118 { China’s Quest
Interim First Secretary Edward Ochab favored concessions in response to the
mounting discontent and pushed through the rehabilitation of Gomułka as a
step in that direction. Then on October 19, as Soviet military forces mobilized
on Poland’s eastern borders, a majority of the PUWP Politburo, backed by
Poland’s army and internal security services, elected Gomułka first secretary.
This was too much for Moscow, which decided to intervene. As the PUWP
moved to make Gomułka its top leader, virtually the entire top CPSU leader-
ship, including Khrushchev plus seven Soviet generals in dress uniforms, trav-
eled to Warsaw to veto Gomułka’s election. The Poles stood firm. Gomułka
told the outraged Soviet delegation: “It is up to our Central Committee and
to it alone to determine the membership of our Politburo ... The composition
of the leadership of a Communist Party cannot, in my opinion, be discussed
with a fraternal party.”^9 Gomułka told the Soviet leaders that if Soviet forces
invaded, Poland would resist. But he also promised that the PUWP had no in-
tention of discarding socialism, the dictatorship of the proletariat, or Poland’s
treaties with the Soviet Union.
The CCP supported the PUWP against Moscow. In September 1956,
both the Polish and the Soviet parties sent delegations to the CCP’s Eighth
Congress. Ochab, a close supporter of Gomułka, headed the Polish delega-
tion. Anastas Mikoyan led the Soviet delegation. On one occasion, as Mao,
Ochab, and Mikoyan were discussing the situation in Poland, Mikoyan took
objection to Ochab’s description of events, to which Ochab replied that Poles
were better judges of the Polish situation than were Soviets. “Our people will
no longer tolerate taking orders from abroad,” Ochab told Mikoyan. The
Soviet leader thereupon became angry, leading Ochab to rise, silently shake
hands with Mao, ignore Mikoyan, and leave the room. Mao too rose and si-
lently followed Ochab out, ignoring Mikoyan.^10
In mid-October, Moscow informed the CCP that it was considering
military intervention in Poland to prevent the emergence of dangerous
anti-Soviet forces there. Moscow wished to know Chinese views on this. The
CCP Politburo met to consider the Soviet request for support. Mao guided
discussion. Soviet military intervention in another socialist country was not
appropriate, he stated. Communist parties were equal; one was not superior
and the other subordinate. Soviet actions were manifestations of big power
chauvinism, Mao said. Moreover, Soviet military intervention would create
opportunities for imperialism. The Politburo endorsed Mao’s views and de-
cided to convey to Moscow the CCP’s opposition to Soviet military inter-
vention in Poland.^11 Mao immediately summoned Soviet ambassador Pavel
Yudin to convey the Politburo decision. Mao received Yudin in pajamas. This
was one of two times Mao would do this. Both times, the Soviet ambassador
took it as an expression of distain by Mao. Warning the Soviet Union against
military intervention in Poland, Mao said that if Moscow ignored Beijing’s
warning, “We will support Poland, state our opposition to you, and publicly