The Recovery of Hong Kong } 593
compatriots for the return of Hong Kong to the motherland.” After starting
work in Hong Kong, however, Xu found that this was not the case: “Only
after I came to Hong Kong did I realize the complicated feelings of the local
countrymen. People who were truly in favor of China taking over Hong Kong
did not make up a majority.”^31 The prospect of China taking over Hong Kong
had “badly shaken” Hong Kong. Anxiety was greatest “among the upper
crust of society,” who were worried that private property will be transformed
or communalized by socialism and that they will lose their freedom after
1997.” “Intellectuals dread brainwashing and ... lower strata ... are concerned
that their living standards will decline.” Few people in Hong Kong knew of
China’s “one country, two systems” proposal, and those who did worried that
the arrangement would be thrown out after China took control in 1997. Critics
pointed out to Xu Jiatun that the CCP had used just this sort of bait and
switch maneuver when struggling for power against the KMT in 1948–1949.
Xu replied that times had changed and the CCP had learned.^32
Xu reorganized the CCP organization in Hong Kong to wage political
battle with the British. The CCP had a long history of struggle with Britain
in Hong Kong, Xu noted, and engaged that conflict once again in the 1980s.
The staff of the Xinhua agency in Hong Kong expanded from 100 to 400.
Many new staffers were tasked with investigating the backgrounds and polit-
ical views of prominent Hong Kong individuals. Ostensible “roving scholars”
were deployed to Hong Kong universities to collect information on people’s
views and activities. Party branches in PRC entities in Hong Kong (the Bank
of China, China Travel Service, trading companies, a shipping company)
were drawn more fully into united front work. The existing CCP under-
ground organization, which Xu concluded was “already pretty well under-
stood” by British counterintelligence, was reorganized. All 4,000 local Hong
Kong members of the CCP (two-thirds of total CCP members in Hong Kong
were from Hong Kong, the others being from “interior provinces”) were
examined in terms of their background and activities. Those judged not to
have been compromised by British counterintelligence were reorganized into
a new clandestine organization operating under “absolute secrecy” and “uni-
fied leadership.”^33
Xu Jiatun worked hard to change the united front work style of the CCP
Hong Kong organization, insisting that it take a broad and tolerant approach.
“Love of China” and “love of Hong Kong”—Chinese patriotism—were the
key thrust of CCP united front work, Xu directed. People did not need to be
“progressive” or “leftist” to be courted and won over. The objective was to
“unite with centrists” and “win over rightists.” CCP propagandists and activ-
ists should be tolerant and understanding of criticism of CCP history and
policies, as well as of Hong Kong people’s fear of CCP rule and the resulting
desire for a continuing British role in Hong Kong. CCP united front work
should not defend old policies, but try to convince people that the CCP had