38 Asia The Economist July 10th 2021
JapanesepoliticsTokyo drifts
E
lectionsin tokyooften foretellna
tional ones. In 2009 the opposition
DemocraticParty ofJapantriumphedin
thecapitalbeforesweepingtherulingLib
eralDemocraticParty(ldp) frompowerin
nationalelectionslaterthatyear.Thisyear,
too,thesignsareagainbadfortheldp. Par
tyleadershadhopedtobag 50 ormore
seatsinthe127seatlegislatureinelections
onJuly4th.Theldplimpedhomewithjust
33,aslightimprovementoverahistoric
drubbingin2017,butstillitssecondworst
showingever.TheresultleavestheTokyo
assemblysplitamongseveralparties,and
theldp’s leader,SugaYoshihide,whoisal
sothe prime minister, lookingincreas
inglyvulnerableaheadofa contestforhis
party’s presidency and national parlia
mentaryelectionsintheautumn.
TheflopreflectsTokyoites’frustration
withthegovernment’shandlingofthetwo
issues at the top of voters’ minds: the
Olympics,whichwillbegininthecityon
July23rd,andcovid19,whichloomslarge
overthem.Thepaceofinoculationshas,at
least,pickedup.Japanisnowputtingnee
dlesintomorethan1marmsa day.Yetjust
16%ofJapaneseovertheageof 12 arefully
vaccinated,a lowerproportionthaninall
butfourofthe 38 membersoftheoecd, a
clubmostlyofrichcountries.Thatmight
worryvoterslessif Tokyowerenotaboutto
hosttensofthousandsofathletes,admin
istratorsandhangersonfrommorethan
200 countries.Pollsshowthatnearlytwo
thirdsofJapanesewouldliketo seethe
gamescancelledorheldwithoutfans.TheTokyoresultsmay“destabilise” Mr
Suga’spositionasleaderoftheldp,  says
UchiyamaYuoftheUniversityofTokyo.
MrSugatookoverthepostlastyear  after
hispredecessor,AbeShinzo,stepped down
owingtoillhealth.Hemuststandfor  his
ownfulltermasldppresidentinSeptem
ber.Thoughheandhiscabinetinitially en
joyed widespread support,approval  rat
ingshavesinceslippedfromashigh as 74%
toaround40%.Tellingly,MrSugahimself
didnotcampaigninTokyo;theparty  in
steadsentoutother,morepopularfigures.
Evenso,nearlyhalftheparty’scandidates
wererejectedbyvoters.Theshoddy results
comeafterldpbackedcandidateslost  in
sixspecialbyelectionsforDietseats  and
governorships earlierthisyear.Mr  Suga
mustnowhopethatswiftprogresson vac
cinationsandperhapsa fewgoldmedals
forJapanwillchangethemood.
Hemayalsotakecomfortinthe  fact
thatTokyoisnotasreliablea portent as it
oncewas.Theelectoraldynamicsof the ci
tyhavebecome morecomplicated  since
theemergencein 2017 ofTominFirst  No
Kai(TokyoitesFirst),thepartyofTokyo’s
populargovernor,KoikeYuriko,a former
ldpheavyweight.Atjustsixmonths  old,
thepartywoncontrolofthecapital’s  as
sembly,anditseemedthatMsKoike’s new
forcemightevenmustera challenge to the
ldp’s nationaldominance.ButTomin First
floppedinDietelectionsthatyearand nev
ergainedtractionoutsideTokyo.Ms Koike,
whoissaidtoharbourambitionsfor high
eroffice,hasrecentlybeencosyingback up
to theldp, perhapsrecognisingthat  the
roadtonationalpowerstillrunsthrough
her oldparty. Her ambiguous stance  is
probablyonereasonwhyTominFirst  lost
14 ofthe 45 seatsit held.
Evenif MrSugajoinsa longlistof short
livedJapaneseprimeministers,there  is  a
limittohowpoorlytheldpcanfare. There
isnoTominstylespoileratthenational
level.TurnoutinTokyowasjust42%,  the
secondlowestlevelonrecord.Butin gen
eralelections,lowturnoutfavoursthe ldp
andKomeito,itscoalitionpartner,  which
havestrongnetworksandinfrastructure to
getouttheirvoters.Mostimportantly, the
mainoppositionpartiesaredeeplyunpop
ular.“Wehavenoalternativepolitical forc
esbesidestheldp,” saysToshikawa Takao,
theeditorofInsideline, a politicalnewslet
ter.InJapan,dissatisfactionbreedsapathy,
notchange.nTOKYO
A bellwether local election brings bad tidings for Japan’s prime ministerIt’s a signSouthKorea’sworkculture(; —,_—)
Tech workers are finding that their
jobs are less fun than they expectedW
hen park hae-ryungstarted her job
at a big internet company near Seoul,
South Korea’s capital, she had high expec
tations.  “They  promise  you  flat  hierar
chies,  flexible  work  and  a  young,  innova
tive workplace,” says the 26yearold grad
uate.  “But  what  actually  happens  is  that
they give you tons of work without telling
you how to do it. There’s no structure and
no  communication.  And  you  can’t  com
plain  to  hrbecause  the  person  in  charge
probably  went  to  school  with  your  boss.”
Ms Park (not her real name) is planning to
quit  as  soon  as  she  can.  She  says  many  of
her colleagues feel the same.
South  Korea’s  work  culture  is  notori
ously  punishing.  Its  people  work  some  of
the longest hours in the oecd, a club most
ly of rich countries. Officegoers have scant
control over their time and little chance to
escape  from  bad  management.  They  have
long  complained  of  gapjil,  the  authoritar
ian attitude of senior managers who abuse
their  power  to  shout  at  underlings,  insist
on unpaid allnighters and weekend work,
assign personal errands, and force juniors
to go out drinking for hours upon hours. 
The country’s most prestigious employ
ers,  such  as  Samsung,  a  technology  con
glomerate,  attract  the  bestqualified  job
seekers  with  wellpaid  jobs  and  generous
benefits. But the perks come with strict hi
erarchies, long hours and no doubt numer
ous opportunities to experience gapjil. 
By contrast, relatively newer firms such
as  Naver  (a  search  engine,  among  other
things),  Kakao  (messaging)  and  Coupang
(ecommerce),  as  well  as  many  smaller