34 Britain TheEconomistNovember20th 2021
Place-basedpolicy
On the dock
E
ntertheportofTilburyandyouwill
see heapedup building materials, im
ported, processed and waiting to be carted
to construction sites. With London nearby
and a pandemicrelated increase in de
mand for home extensions, business is
booming—or rather, beeping, as vehicles
lift and pile containers into stacks. Things
quieten as you go east to land that is part of
Thames Freeport, one of eight experiments
in boosting deprived areas. The hope is
that when generous tax breaks become
available for new investors on November
19th, the hubbub will spread.
More than 5,000 taxadvantaged zones
are dotted around the world, with varying
incentives and eligibility rules. Britain’s
freeports will offer simpler customs proce
dures as well as relief from stamp duty,
employer payroll taxes, business rates and
corporation tax. Politicians hope all this
will support innovation, trade and, in the
inequalityslaying phrase of the moment,
“levelling up”. A report in 2016 by Rishi Su
nak, then a backbencher and now the
chancellor, claimed that if Britain replicat
ed America’s success with its freetrade
zones, it could create 86,000 jobs.
It is easy to scoff at such boosterism. Mr
Sunak counted all jobs within any Ameri
can freetrade zone as created by its exis
tence—a heroic assumption, since preex
isting factories can apply for special status.
More generally, sceptics point to three
risks. What if businesses stay away? What
if any new activity would have happened
anyway? And what if the sites suck invest
ment from places even more in need?
Some of these are in tension; if no one in
vests, freeports will not cost the exchequer
much. But common to all is the idea that
they will fail to encourage new activity.
Britain’s experiences with placebased
policies have been disappointing. Last
month the Office for Budget Responsibility
(obr), a government watchdog, pointed
out that an older policy of enterprise
zones, which offered tax breaks for inves
tors in struggling places, cost around a
quarter as much as expected, which sug
gests that it had “smaller impacts than ini
tially hoped”. An evaluation by the Centre
for Cities, a thinktank, found that the jobs
created were overwhelmingly done by peo
ple with low skills. Drawing on interna
tional evidence, the obr assumed that
freeports would mainly move economic
activity around rather than stimulating it,
and would cost the taxpayer around £50m
($67m) in the 202223 fiscal year.
Freeports offer a greater array of bene
fits than enterprise zones do. But British
businesses can already defer tariff pay
ments by parking goods in bonded ware
houses, or escape them altogether for
items that are processed and immediately
reexported through special customs ar
rangements. If freeports really make a dif
ference, it will be because of tax breaks.
Lewis Atter of kpmg, an advisory firm, says
these could be worth 1525% of the cost of
constructing a new factory. lmWind, a
subsidiary of ge, made its investment in
Teesside contingent on the area succeed
inginitsbidtobea freeport.BenHouchen,
themayorofTeesvalley,saystalksareun
derwaywitharound 30 otherbig,interna
tionally footloose businesses. Although
somesitesneeddecontaminatingandde
veloping,MrAttersaysgroundmaybebro
kenonsomeprojectsearlyinthenewyear.
Thequestion,then,ishowmuchofthis
activitywouldhavehappenedanyway,ei
therinfreeportsorelsewhereinBritain.In
timeTilburyportwouldhaveexpandedto
servethehungryLondonmarket.Thereare
plansforeducationprojects,bothtodevel
oplocals’skillsandtopersuadeyoungsters
thatworkinginlogisticsreallyisattractive.
Butthesecondofthosesitsuncomfortably
withthenotionthatfreeportswillabsorb
labourthatwouldotherwisehavesatidle.
Anda cynicmightpointoutthatcompa
nies have every incentiveto claim that
theirinvestments arecontingentontax
benefits.lmWind,forexample,wasalrea
dyfacingpressuretostrengthenitsBritish
supplychainbecauseofseparatecommit
mentstobringproductiononshore.
Thegovernmenthascomeupwithits
ownwayofmakingsurethatfreeportsdo
notmerelypullinactivitythatwouldoth
erwisehavehappenedelsewhere.Officials
havespentrecentmonthshagglingwith
freeportoperatorsoverwhichsectorswill
be eligible for tax benefits. These vary from
location to location. In theory, that means
each can play to its strengths. Thames
Freeport will specialise in logistics and ad
vanced manufacturing (its site in Dagen
ham is linked to a big Ford engine plant).
The industries favoured include chemicals
processing, advanced manufacturing and
lowcarbon energy production. In the Wil
ton site of the Teesside freeport, chemicals
processing will be eligible for the tax
breaks. Lowcarbon energy sources will be
encouraged at the Teesworks site.
So far this micromanagement is pretty
opaque, at least to potential investors, who
must contact each freeport company or
landowner to see whether their plans
would qualify under the terms negotiated
with the government. This may reduce the
risk that freeports merely displace activity,
at some cost to the public purse. But it does
nothing to reduce the risk of a tax bung for
investors who would have made invest
ments anyway. And the more prescriptive
freeports are about who qualifies, the
greater the chance that genuinely new in
vestment will be shut out.
Discrimination is the object of free
ports, as the government tries to shepherd
businesses into busy, efficient clusters.
The hope is that any casualties will be over
seas, in countries too slow or too stingy to
match Britain’s competitive tax offering.
But as word spreads of which sectors and
companies are eligible and which not,
businesses closer to home may conclude
that the whole policy is simply unfair.n
TILBURY
Freeports are a gamble. The government istryingtolimittherisk
London
Source: UK government
Thames
Solent
Plymouth
Felixstowe
and Harwich
East Midlands
Airport
Liverpool
Humber
Teesside
Exclusive clubs
England, planned freeport
locations, March 202
Do we qualify?