206 CHAPTER 6
develop depression than were those with fewer than three such events (Lewinsohn
et al., 1999). Another study that examined the relationship between different types
of stressful life events and subsequent depression among teenagers found that the
recent breakup of a love relationship was the life event most closely associated with
a fi rst episode of depression (Monroe et al., 1999).
Several theories have been offered to explain how stressful life events can trig-
ger depression in vulnerable people. Some researchers propose that such events can
lead an individual to focus on discrepancies between the “real” and “ideal” selves;
for example, the person’s “ideal” self of being lovable or worthwhile may be chal-
lenged when a love relationship ends (Pyszczynski & Greenberg, 1987). Focusing
on this kind of discrepancy can also happen after an injury or illness challenges the
invulnerability of the “ideal” self. A person then tries to resolve the discrepancy
between the “real” and “ideal” selves (perhaps by changing his or her concept of
ideal self to one that isn’t so lovable). When attempts to resolve the discrepancy are
unsuccessful, a person may continue to focus on the discrepancy and become de-
pressed. Later, we will discuss how the “stress” and “diathesis” parts of the stress-
diathesis model relate to each other, and how they trigger a cascade of neurological
events associated with depression.Social Exclusion
Feeling the chronic sting of social exclusion—being pushed toward the margins of
society—is also associated with depression. For instance, those who are the targets
of prejudice, such as homosexuals who experience community alienation or violence
(Mills et al., 2004), and those from lower socioeconomic groups (Field, Hernandez-
Reif, & Diego, 2006; Henderson et al., 2005; Inaba et al., 2005), including the
elderly (Hybels et al., 2006; Sachs-Ericsson, Plant, & Blazer, 2005), are more likely
than others to become depressed.
Some studies fi nd that Latinos and African Americans experience more de-
pression than other ethnic groups in the United States; a closer look at the data,
however, suggests that socioeconomic status, rather than ethnic or racial back-
ground, is the variable associated with depression (Bromberger et al., 2004;
Gilmer et al., 2005). (Note that these individuals can be members of more than
one group simultaneously.) People who become disabled in adulthood, through
stroke or head trauma, are also more likely than others to become depressed
(McDermott et al., 2005).Social Interactions
To a certain extent, emotions can be contagious: People can develop depres-
sion, sadness, anxiety, or anger by spending time with someone who is al-
ready in such a state (Coyne, 1976; Hsee et al., 1990; Joiner,
1994; Segrin & Dillard, 1992; Sullins, 1991). For instance, one
study found that roommates developed symptoms of depres-
sion after 3 weeks of living with someone who was depressed
(Joiner, 1994).
Another factor associated with depression is the way some
people typically interact in their personal relationships (Ains-
worth et al., 1978; Bowlby, 1973, 1979). Patterns of attachment
have been identifi ed; such patterns begin in infancy and are partly
based on the consistency and quality of the caregiver’s interactions
with the child. When infants are distressed, they tend to display
one of the following three patterns that typically endure through
adulthood:1.Secure attachment, or seeking out and using a caregiver for
comfort and support. (Adults with this style generally display a
positive relationship style.)2.Avoidant attachment, or actively avoiding the caregiver. (Adults with this style
are emotionally distant from others.)P SNThe quality of the bond between elderly partners
can buffer against the negative effects of stress-
ful life events (Kraaij & Garnefski, 2002).David Young-Wolff/Photo Edit