NOTES TO PAGES 483–89- The opposition against an unspecifiedcommunautarismethat lurks behind the prohibition
of religious insignia excludes concessions to religious and cultural expressions with extensions into
the public realm. To my mind, this results from a generalized fear that violence hides behind public
religious claims. The reasons for the actual violence probably should be localized more specifically
in a heritage that merges religious claims with anticolonial ones in the period of decolonization, as
well as in the incapacity of the Islamic community to find strategies for pacification in that ongoing
postcolonial context. This thesis has been put forward by, among others, Roy,Globalised Islam. - These two aspects are central in the literature on multiculturalism; they have, e.g., been
elaborated by Rainer Bauboeck, who understands multiculturalism to be an answer to the lives of
‘‘minorities in transition’’ (‘‘Minderheiten im Uebergang,’’ available at http://www.gfbv.it/3dossier/
eu-min/20assimila.html). The committee also does not reflect on the possibility that conservative
claims may be developed in an assimilationist dynamic, causing a ‘‘reactive culturalism’’ on the part
of orthodox groups, as has been argued by Ayelet Shachar in herMulticultural Jurisdictions(Cam-
bridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001). - John Rawls, inThe Law of Peoples(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999), rejects
the universalizability of the concept of autonomy as self-reflection, calling it a form of (Western,
liberal) parochialism. - Gilles Kepel has made similar observations several times. Already in 1993, talking about
Islamism in the French banlieus, he states: ‘‘They are tribes that determine their communitarian
boundaries around projects and not around what we usually think tribes do: inherited belonging,
whether this be ethnic, racial or other’’ (Kepel, quoted in Raulet,Apologie,100). I will return to this
issue below. The Stasi commission forgets to mention the fact that secularist regimes in the Islamic
world, particularly communist ones, had earlier prohibited the scarf. An Afghan refugee friend of
mine (a secularist and liberal doctor) told me that in the 1970s his sisters were forbidden to wear
scarves and forced to wear red trousers when going to school. - Kintzler, ‘‘La Tole ́rance, la laı ̈cite ́et l’e ́cole,’’Le Nouvel Observateur, July 17–23, 2003, p.
- Ibid., p. 64.
- The following analysis is inspired by Ge ́rard Raulet’s excellent discussion of Durkheim’s
answer to the Kantian antinomy of morality in Raulet,Apologie. I quote Durkheim’s lessons from
Raulet, 24–27. The page numbers given refer to those listed by Raulet when he quotes from E ́mile
Durkheim,L’E ́ducation morale(Paris: Fe ́lix Alcan, 1925). All quotes from Durkheim are taken from
Raulet’s book; the translations are my own. - Durkheim,L’E ́ducation morale, 123.
- Ibid., 8, 10.
- Immanuel Kant,‘‘On a Newly Arisen Superior Tone in Philosophy,’’ inRaising the Tone of
Philosophy: Late Essays by Immanuel Kant, Transformative Critique by Jacques Derrida,ed. Peter
Fenves (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993), 51–72. For a commentary on Kant’s
concept of autonomy, see Hent de Vries,Philosophy and the Turn to Religion(Baltimore: The Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1999). Commenting on the passage quoted, de Vries argues that ‘‘it is at
this neurological point of the present yet absent moral law that the extremes, that is to say, critical
philosophy and so-called obscurantism, touch upon each other’’ (ibid., 375; the quote by Kant is
also from this page). - Olivier Roy,Globalised Islam: The Search for a New Ummah(London: Hurst & Co., 2004),
andLa Laı ̈cite ́face a`l’islam. - Roy,La Laı ̈cite ́face a`l’islam, 63.
- This is why Roy criticizes the use of the termpolitical Islamfor globalized Islam. ‘‘Political
Islam’’ was introduced as a better name for the movement that is often called Islamic fundamental-
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