NOTES TO PAGES 497–501- Grace Davie,Religion in Modern Europe: A Memory Mutates(Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2000), 19. - See Ernst H. Kantorowicz,The King’s Two Bodies(Princeton: Princeton University Press,
1957). - See Franc ̧ois Furet’s masterly narrativeRevolutionary France, 1770–1880(Oxford: Black-
well, 1988). Surprisingly, this account has nothing to say of France’s colonial conquests—as if these
could only be peripheral to the formation of the Republic. Algeria is barely mentioned. But the
bond with Algeria, at once threede ́partementsand a colony, had fateful consequences for France.
Algeria was the object of various laws, including the Cre ́mieux Decree of 1870—issued by the
National Defense Government during the Prussian War—which made Jews full citizens, endowed
with all the rights enjoyed by the colons, while the Muslim majority retained their inferior status as
‘‘subjects,’’ technically able to accede to the secular status of ‘‘citizens’’ if and when they gave up
aspects of their religious belonging. The decree was revoked by the Vichy government and restored
with its fall; Muslim Algerians were accorded citizenship unconditionally in 1946. (On some of the
political controversy in France surrounding that decree at its proclamation, and on the brutally
suppressed Algerian rebellion of 1871, see the first chapter of Charles Robert Ageron,Les Alge ́riens
musulman et la France [1871–1919], vol. 1 [Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1968]). - C. R. Ageron,France coloniale ou parti coloniale?(Paris: Presses Universitaires de France,
1987), 189–234. - Henri Laurens, ‘‘Les Arabes et nous,’’Le Nouvel Observateur, August 19–26, 2004. See also
his ‘‘La Politique musulmane de la France,’’Monde Arabe: Maghreb/Machrek,no. 152, April-June
- Davie cites a poll conducted in 1990 in Western European countries on religious beliefs,
according to which 57 percent of the French population believe in God (only Sweden has a lower
score) and 50 percent believe in the soul (only Denmark has a lower score). By all other criteria
France emerges as the most ‘‘irreligious’’ (Davie,Religion in Modern Europe, 10). - See the excellent study of religious discourse in the United States Supreme Court by Win-
nifred Fallers Sullivan,Paying the Words Extra(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994). For
an account of the shifting relations between church and state in the U.S. over four centuries, see
Mark De Wolfe Howe,The Garden and the Wilderness: Religion and Government in American Consti-
tutional History(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965).
17.Rapport au President de la Re ́publique: Commission de re ́flection sur l’application du principe
de laı ̈cite ́dans la Re ́publique, December 11, 2003 (http://www.ladocumentationfrancaise.fr). The
report has also been published in book form asLaı ̈cite ́et Re ́publique, Commission pre ́side ́e par
Bernard Stasi(Paris: La Documentation franc ̧aise, 2004). My references are to the latter. - The Union of Islamic Organizations of France (UOIF) ordered its youth wing, one of the
organizers of the February 13 demonstration against the law, to desist from open struggle, although
it did not discourage people from participating as individuals. At the annual meeting of the UOIF
at Le Bourget in April 2004, its president denounced what he saw as the move from a ‘‘tolerant,
open, and generous secularism, that is to say, a secularism aiming at integration [une laı ̈cite ́d’inte ́gra-
tion], to a secularism of exclusion [une laı ̈cite ́d’exclusion]’’ signaled by the new law. See the account
by Catherine Coroller, ‘‘UOIF: ‘La Loi sur la laı ̈cite ́est la`et nous l’appliquerons,’ ’’Libe ́ration, April
12, 2004. - French Sikhs made a special case to the president for boys to be allowed to wear the turban
in schools. Their argument was that, since it is long hair that is prescribed for males by the Sikh
religion and not the wearing of a turban, the latter was aculturaland not areligioussign, and that
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