The New York Review of Books (2022-01-13)

(EriveltonMoraes) #1
January 13, 2022 19

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E. Tammy Kim


Palimpsest:
Documents from a Korean Adoption
by Lisa Wool-Rim Sjöblom,
translated from the Swedish by Hanna
Strömberg, Lisa Wool-Rim Sjöblom,
and Richey Wyver.
Drawn and Quarterly,
151 pp., $24.95 (paper)

Older Sister. Not Necessarily Related.
by Jenny Heijun Wills.
McClelland and Stewart,
248 pp., $22.95; $15.50 (paper)

All You Can Ever Know
by Nicole Chung.
Catapult, 228 pp., $16.95 (paper)

Amy Mee- Ran Dorin Kobus was ad-
opted from South Korea in 1974, at the
age of six. In an essay for the anthology
Voices from Another Place: A Collec-
tion of Works from a Generation Born
in Korea and Adopted to Other Coun-
tries (1999), she recalls “kicking and
screaming” as she was taken to her new
home in North Branch, Minnesota,
by white adoptive parents. “I worked
diligently to become the model Amer-
ican,” she writes. “I dressed in Ameri-
can clothes, took speech tutoring to rid
myself of my Korean accent, and, most
important, I acted American.” Still,
she felt unsettled by her past:

Most adopted children have ques-
tions about their biological par-
ents such as, “Why was I given up
for adoption?” “Didn’t my family
want me? ” and “Who were my real
mother and father?” Those were
my questions too.

Dorin Kobus’s adoptive mother, en-
couraging her to explore her heritage,
took her to a Korean cultural program
in Minneapolis. After high school, her
adoptive parents sponsored her trip to
Korea with twenty other adoptees, a
“motherland tour.” She visited an or-
phanage like the one in which she spent
her infancy, but did not manage to find
her birth parents. On the way back, she
was asked to escort a thirteen- month-
old baby boy to his adoptive family in
the United States. “During the long
flight I cared for the baby as if it were
my own, knowing I would have to give
him up,” she writes. “I thought of my
biological mother and her possible feel-
ings when giving me up. I am certain
she cried many tears.”
Over the past seven decades, some
200,000 South Korean children have
been adopted abroad, mostly to the US
but also to Canada, Europe, and Aus-
tralia. For many years, South Korea
was the top exporting nation for in-
ternational adoptions; more recently,
that distinction has belonged to China,
which has sent more than 126,
children abroad since 2000. Korean
adoptions began in the 1950s, with the
well- intentioned rescue of “war or-
phans” during and after the Korean
War. Many of these children indeed
had no living family; others were “so-
cial orphans” who’d been separated
from their parents in the fighting or
were considered unassimilable owing
to racial and social stigmas. In Voices
from Another Place, Kat Turner, the

adoptive daughter of a pastor in Iowa,
describes herself at a telling distance:
she is, she writes, the mixed- race “prod-
uct of an American soldier in Korea as
a result of the war.”^1
It didn’t take long for transnational
adoption to go from emergency re-
sponse to permanent bureaucracy.
For the South Korean government,
out- adoption became a substitute for
costly antipoverty programs: in 1960
the country’s per capita GDP was just
$158, compared with $475 in Japan.^2
Churches and social services agencies
in the West, meanwhile, aggressively
marketed Korean children to pro-
spective adoptive parents. One couple
described their adoptive daughters as
targets of their evangelicalism: “Our
girls are our mission field, this brings us
great pride. We never see a nationality
difference.” As Arissa H. Oh writes in

To S a ve t h e C hildren of Korea (2015),
South Korea designed a template for
interracial family- making that plan-
ners in Vietnam, Central and Latin
America, India, Russia, Romania, and
China later used to send children to
the West. International adoption be-
came a long- term form of child welfare
and, despite many people’s best inten-
tions, “a public market in which chil-
dren were commodified, sourced, and
shipped overseas like packages.”

South Korean adoptions peaked in
1985, more than three decades after the
Korean War and well into the nation’s
economic rise. By then, thousands of
transnational adoptees were reaching
adulthood. In the US, they were em-
boldened by growing racial awareness
and increased scrutiny of the child wel-
fare system. In 1972 the National Asso-
ciation of Black Social Workers issued
a statement against transracial adop-
tion, asserting that “only a black family
can transmit the emotional and sensitive
subtleties of perception and reaction
essential for a black child’s survival in
a racist society.” Several years later, Na-
tive activists won passage of the Indian
Child Welfare Act, which recognizes the
“essential tribal relations of Indian peo-
ple” and requires that Native children
be placed with kin whenever possible.

Beginning in the 1990s, Korean
adoptees met through organizing net-
works and at international conferences
as well as on the early Internet. They
shared their experiences of estrange-
ment and uncannily similar accounts
of why they had been abandoned (des-
perate teenage parents) or why their
vital records were incomplete (fires
and floods). They returned to Korea on
motherland tours, visiting orphanages
and trying to locate their birth parents.
In time, they began to tell their own
stories. The first anglophone adop-
tee memoirs appeared in Voices from
Another Place and another collection,
Seeds from a Silent Tree: An Anthol-
ogy by Korean Adoptees (1997). Then
came The Language of Blood (2003),
a lyrical recollection by Jane Jeong
Trenka, who later became a leading
adoptee activist. Trenka describes a
sort of double birth:

My name is Jeong Kyong- Ah....
Halfway around the world, I am
someone else.
I am Jane Marie Brauer, created
September 26, 1972, when I was
carried off an airplane onto Amer-
ican soil.

As a young child in the Midwest,
Trenka is taught to feel grateful but
cannot shake a sense of dread:

“We chose you,” my mommy al-
ways says. To me that means from
a store.... A thought comes to me
now, a frightening thought that
makes sense as I sit alone: I could
also be returned to the store. I
could be exchanged for a better
girl.

Korean adoptees, especially in
North America and Europe, have since
produced numerous works of mem-
oir, poetry, film, and visual art. The
American poet and English professor
Jennifer Kwon Dobbs has written auto-
fictionally of found family: “An hour
into reunion, Appa and I match /pace
1- 2- 3 drink! and I want to sing /the
only Korean song I know.” Another US
adoptee, Deann Borshay Liem, made
two documentaries about being ad-
opted under the identity of another girl
from her orphanage. Jane Jin Kaisen,
an adoptee raised in Denmark, repre-
sented Korea at the 2019 Venice Bien-
nale, with an installation based on the
folktale of Princess Bari, an abandoned
daughter who becomes a powerful sha-
man. And Malene Choi, also Danish,
took a refreshingly experimental ap-
proach in her feature film The Return
(2018). In one scene, an adoptee named
Thomas posts xeroxed signs all over the
tiny Korean island where he was cared
for by a foster mother before being sent
to Denmark: “ ” (Look-
ing for my family).
While the first wave of memoirs had
an unvarnished, diaristic quality, there
is now a greater diversity in content
and style. Today’s authors are Korean
adoptees from all over the world; their
stories still involve searching for their
birth families, but much more be-
sides. Three recent books show how
the genre has evolved alongside the

Li

sa Wool-R

im Sjöblom /Drawn and Quarterly

A panel from Lisa Wool-Rim Sjöblom’s Palimpsest: Documents from a Korean Adoption

(^1) Kori Graves’s book, A War Born Fam-
ily: African American Adoption in the
Wake of the Korean War (NYU Press,
2020), documents how Black Korean
children were advertised for adoption
to Black couples in the United States,
especially those with military ties.
(^2) Japan’s own economic recovery after
World War II was due to a war boom: it
served as an industrial and military ally
to the United States during the Korean
Wa r.
Kim 19 21 .indd 19 12 / 15 / 21 6 : 46 PM

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