46 Scarcity and Surfeit
125 Ibid, p 21. This author considers that social conflicts are ubiquitous and manifest
themselves at every level of the social spectrum, from interpersonal disputes to
community conflicts, from industrial struggles to international war. Nevertheless,
not every social relationship is characterised by conflict at all times. More im-
portantly, not every conflict is expressed in a violent or hostile way. Moreover,
looking at conflict as relationship makes possible the assumption that different
conflicts have common elements. The fact that every violent conflict is in a sense
unique should not undermine the search for among other things, dynamic and
behavioural similarities in conflict processes and in the several dimensions along
which conflicts vary. As was previously pointed out, one of the most important
contributions of conflict research has been that it searches for the similarities and
differences among many different kinds of conflicts such as class conflicts, com-
munity conflicts, industrial conflicts, and international conflicts. An analysis
which adequately balances the particularities of a specific conflict with its gen-
eral characteristics and dynamics as a process seems a fruitful way forward.
126 To this respect, see inter alia, Vasquez, op cit, Chapter 5.
127 J S Levy, Contending theories of international conflict: a level-of-analysis
approach, Crocker et a1 (eds), op cit, p 5. For an in-depth discussion of this issue
refer to R Jervis, Perception and misperception in internationalpolitics, Princeton
University Press, Princeton, N.J., 1976. Also M Nicholson, Rationality and the
analysis of international conflict, op cit. Commenting on Edward Azar's work,
Miall et a1 say in this respect that "anatagouistic group histories, exclusionist
myths, demonising propaganda and dehumanising ideologies serve to justify dis-
criminatory policies and legitimise atrocities. In these circumstances, in a dynam-
ic familiar to students of international relations as the 'security dilemma', actions
are mutually interpreted in the most threatening light, the 'worst motivations
tend to he attributed to the other side', the space for compromise and accommo-
dation shrinks and 'proposals for political solutions become rare, and tend to be
perceived on all sides as mechanisms for gaining power and control':. Miall et al,
op cit, p 75.
128 Mitchell, op cit, p 101.
129 As Kriesberg points out, "continuously organised conflict groups enjoy a mobili-
sation advantage over emergent conflict parties, as is the case between govern-
ments and protesters or revolutionaries", Kriesberg, op cit, p 92. This had been
pointed out by Collier et a1 in Chapter 3.
130 Brown, The causes and regional dimensions of internal conflict, op cit, p 575.
131 Brown, Introduction, op cit, p 18.
132 P Chabal & 3-P Daloz, Africa works. Disorder as a political instrument, The
International African Institute, James Currey, Oxford, 1999, pp xiii, xix. In this
respect see also 3-F Bayart, The state in Africa. The politics of the belly, Longman,
London & New York, 1993.
133 Mitchell, op cit, p 44. Furthermore, Mitchell adds that "the existence of opposing
definitions of 'what the conflict is about' implies that one way of gaining one's
own goal in such conflict is to influence the other party so that the latter accepts
one's own way of regarding what issues are in conflict. Hence, a common tactic
for gaining an advantage in a dispute is to have one's own way of regarding what
issues are in conflict': Ibid, p 44.