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increasingly frictionless, even ‘flat’ as
global travel and communication in-
creases, but in consequence ‘what was
once thought to be an experience of the
geographical world in its totality has been
re-proportioned into what is simply local’.
In sum, Dodgshon (1998, p. 117) insists,
time–space compression means that ‘cul-
turally,wearenowmoreawareoftimeand
spaceas dimensions that have extension’.
(2) In contrast, other writers treat time–space
expansion as thedualof time–space com-
pression. They recognize that power-
geometryis highly variable, and in par-
ticular that the power to compress dis-
tance is also often the power to expand
distance. The unidirectional logic of
time–space compression requires dis-
tance to contract under the spasmodic
compulsions of global capitalism to
reduce circulation time, but images of
‘the shrinking world’ have become so
powerful and pervasive that they can ob-
scure the ways in which, for millions of
people, the imperatives ofglobalization
can force their world to expand in ways
that threaten to become unbearable. Katz
(2001a) draws on her experience in
‘Howa’, a village in Sudan, to argue that:
From the vantage point of capital, the world
may be shrinking but, on the marooned
grounds of Howa, it appeared to be getting
bigger every day. After a gruelling decade
and a half ofstructural adjustmentsand
political upheaval in Sudan, people in Howa
survived by maintaining a semblance of the
patterns and practices of production that had
long sustained them. .. But this was only vi-
able now if carried out over an extended
physical arena. The terrain of social produc-
tion and reproduction had expanded from
perhaps five kilometres in 1980 to two hun-
dred kilometres by 1995, the distance men
routinely travelled to participate in the char-
coal trade. Time–space expansion also
represented a transformation of the old con-
stellation of activities that involved men’s
long absences from the village. People still
farmed (but also worked as agricultural la-
borers up to a hundred kilometres away),
keptanimals(by sending them out with re-
latives to distant pastures) and cut wood (but
now in areas of the South targeted for defor-
estation as part of the northern government’s
wareffort). (Katz, 2001, p. 1224)
For Katz, therefore, ‘time–space expan-
sion embraces, reworks and plays into the
altered geographies ofglobalization’.
Contemporary capitalism involves dialect-
ical torsions of time–space compression
and time–space expansion (seedialectic)
that produce spirals of advantage and
marginalization: ‘If in one way the known
world expanded for people in Howa, in
others their place in it receded as their village
was increasingly marginalized’ (p. 1225).
Time–space expansion happens not only
within a relative space punctuated by the
differential geographies of time–space com-
pression, however, but also through the prolif-
erating partitions of an intrinsically colonial
modernity. ‘If global capitalism is aggres-
sivelyde-territorializing, moving ever outwards
in a process of ceaseless expansion and furi-
ously tearing down barriers to capital accumu-
lation, then colonial modernity is intrinsically
territorializing, forever installing partitions
between ‘‘us’’ and ‘‘them’’’ (Gregory, 2004a,
p. 253). Those who live under military occu-
pation (seeoccupation, military) know this
very well, as they are caught in curfews or
lockdowns and wait in line at checkpoints:
timeseems to stop, punctuated by one emer-
gency after another, and the ordinary paths of
everyday lifeare blocked or redirected. In
occupied Palestine, for example, ‘as the illegal
settlements are wired ever more tightly into
Israel, Palestinians are made to undergo an
intensified spasm of time-space expansion:
families, friends and neighbours cut off
from one another; farmers separated from
their fields and their wells’ (Gregory, 2004c,
p. 604). Those who try to flee the politico-
economic deformations described by Katz and
the politico-military oppressions described by
Gregory are peculiarly vulnerable to the despair
of time–space expansion. ‘The globe shrinks
for those who own it,’ Bhabha (1992, p. 88)
remarks, but ‘for the displaced or the dispos-
sessed, the migrant or refugee, no distance is
more awesome than the few feet across borders
or frontiers’ (cf. Hyndman, 1997: see also
migration;refugee). dg
topographic map A large- or intermediate-
scalemapdescribing the most important phys-
ical and cultural features of aplaceorregion.
Largely a product of national or provincial gov-
ernments, topographic maps support national
defence, economic development, environmen-
tal science and growth management as well as
providing data for compiling less detailed,
smaller-scale maps. Typically compiled from
aerial photography, they use contour lines (see
isoline) to describe the land surface and
Gregory / The Dictionary of Human Geography 9781405132879_4_T Final Proof page 761 31.3.2009 9:40pm Compositor Name: ARaju
TOPOGRAPHIC MAPTOPOGRAPHIC MAP