Cultural Geography

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of difference whereby it was implied that
inequalities of race, class and gender could be
stacked up in some simple additive fashion.
These separate ‘dimensions’ were then
mapped, either literally or figuratively, in suc-
cessive studies of residential segregation. It
became increasingly apparent, however, that
standard cartographies were unable to deal
with new theorizations of the mutual constitu-
tionof race, class and gender. As Vron Ware
(1992) and others argued, gender identities
are simultaneously racialized (and vice versa).
Recent work on the geographies of race
and racism (as reviewed by Bonnett, 1996; see
also Chapter 15, this volume) increasingly
acknowledges that we all lead racialized lives
rather than assuming that ‘race’ or ‘ethnicity’
are terms that only apply to certain minority
groups. Rather than focusing on the spatial
expression of ethnic or racialized identities,
therefore, current research is increasingly
exploring the racialization of spaceas an active,
constitutive process at a variety of scales from
the neighbourhood to the nation and beyond
(see Smith, 1989). It is in this sense that Avtar
Brah revives the notion of cartography, to
argue that what she calls ‘diaspora space’ is
‘inhabited’ not only by diasporic subjects but
equally by those who are constructed and
represented as ‘indigenous’ (1996: 16). So, too,
studies such as Kay Anderson’s (1991) analysis
of the social and spatial construction of
Vancouver’s Chinatown illustrate the turn from
mapping the geographies of isolated ethnic
minorities to studies that explore the role of
dominant discourses in the construction of
racialized space. Likewise, Jane Jacobs’ (1996)
account of the postcolonial geographies of
urban redevelopment in London demon-
strates a relational view of space whereby the
view from the financial centre of the City of
London (the ‘heart of empire’) cannot be
divorced from an exploration of the margins
of racialized inner-city neighbourhoods such
as Spitalfields.
A relational view of identity and space is
also intrinsic to recent studies of transnation-
ality, explored in Katharyne Mitchell’s chapter.
Such research focuses on the transnational
connections between people, places and
things, drawing together a political-economic
understanding of capital investment and
labour migration with a critical understanding

of the hybrid cultures and identities that result
from such processes. Indeed, as Roger Rouse’s
(1991) work on the transnational geographies
of Mexico and southern California reveals,
transnational labour migration and business
development have opened up a series of new
spaces that are increasingly encompassing all
sections of society, not just those people who
are themselves directly connected to trans-
national migrant communities. In Rouse’s words:
‘The comfortable modern imagery of nation-
states and national languages, of coherent
communities and consistent subjectivities ...
no longer seems adequate ... [D]uring the last
20 years, we have allmoved irrevocably into a
new kind of [transnational] social space’
(1991: 8, emphasis in the original). Research
on transnationality has also repudiated more
simple-minded, top-down models of globaliza-
tion, demonstrating the continued significance
of local contexts of consumption and calling
forth a more relational view of the global–
local nexus.

SEEING THE SOCIAL THROUGH
THE LENS OF THE CULTURAL

As well as demonstrating the value of
approaching the social through the lens of the
spatial, each of the chapters in this section also
demonstrates the importance of seeing the
socialthrough the lens of the cultural, rather
than seeing social and cultural geographies as
mutually antagonistic (one concerned with
material inequalities, the other with discursively
constructed differences). Recent research on
disability (reviewed here by Gregson and by
Moss and Dyck) demonstrates the value of
tracing the social construction of disability in
both its material and its discursive forms.
Rather than focusing exclusively on problems
of access, where space – defined in terms of
barriers and obstacles – is a mere container
for human action, recent work has shown how
disabled space is actively constituted through
countless decisions about planning and design,
regulated and reinforced by the power of the
state. From this perspective,‘disabling space’ is
as culturally constructed as ‘disability’ itself.
Some environments are more enabling than
others, just as some conditions (such as

40 RETHINKING THE SOCIAL

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