22 Britain TheEconomistMarch19th 2022
strategic autonomy—in part an effort to in
sulate their defence from the vagaries of
American politics. But for Britain, this de
fence diplomacy is more about reestab
lishing its longstanding role as a military
power on nato’s northern flank, at the
same time as creating postBrexit ties with
natural allies in Europe. “Most jefcoun
tries are smaller nations who have tradi
tionally been very close to the uk, strongly
regretted Brexit for that reason, and have
been anxious to ensure its continued com
mitment to their security,” says Malcolm
Chalmers of the Royal United Services In
stitute, a thinktank.
Russia’s invasion has made that com
mitment more important. “We all agreed
that this had been a turningpoint in...our
collective security, and all our worst fears
about Putin had come true,” says Mr John
son. “All our illusions had been dispelled.”
On a visit to Kyiv weeks before Russia’s in
vasion, Mr Johnson told Melinda Sim
mons, Britain’s ambassador in Ukraine,
that he thought Mr Putin would be “crazy”
to attack; that “he’s got to be bluffing”.
Mr Putin’s long essay on Russia and Uk
raine last summer—“that 5,000word turg
athon”, as Mr Johnson describes it—sug
gests that he grossly miscalculated
Ukraine’s sense of nationhood and its will
to resist. Mr Johnson remembers being
struck that “these people are definitely go
ing to fight”, as he weighed up the Krem
lin’s calculus, recalling an earlier trip to Ky
iv when he visited a bar studded with
machine guns, and pictures of martyrs at
Maidan Nezalezhnosti, or Independence
Square, the focal point of the country’s rev
olution against a proRussian president in
- In invading, Mr Putin has made “an
absolutely catastrophic mistake...worse
than a crime,” says Mr Johnson. “We ha
ven't seen anything like this in our conti
nent for 80 years.”
Despite initially doubting that Mr Putin
would take such a calamitous step, Mr
Johnson’s government moved quickly to
arm Ukraine, long before other major
European powers were doing so. On Janu
ary 17th, even as French officials warned of
AngloAmerican “alarmism”, Britain began
rushing thousands of nlaw guided mis
siles to Ukraine (the acronym stands for
Next Generation Light Antitank Weap
ons). Around 4,000 have been delivered so
far, at a total cost of £120m ($156m), accord
ing to the Sunday Times. Britain’s early de
liveries inspired other European nations to
do the same, argues Mr Hurt. In the region,
“ukcredibility has improved hugely,” he
says. Britons are supportive: some 78% of
voters approve of sending arms and rations
to Ukraine, and would back sending West
ern troops to aid its defence by 43% to 40%,
according to Opinium, a pollster.
Ukrainians offer even more resounding
endorsement. If you travel through their
country, nlaws—and their handiwork, in
the form of mangled Russian armour—are
ubiquitous. Ukrainian soldiers praise their
effectiveness and ease of use, saying that
they, along with Americansupplied Jave
lin missiles, might have made the differ
ence between survival and defeat in the
war’s first weeks. “We hit it thanks to the
gifts from Her Majesty The Queen,” beams
one Ukrainian soldier, standing proudly in
front of the carcass of a Russian tank, its
turret blown off the hull by an nlaw. At a
wedding of two soldiers on March 6th,
northeast of Kyiv, a guest, Denys Dem
chenko, a 47yearold actor, clutched an
nlaw as he watched the proceedings.
“They are one of the best and most impor
tant weapons we have,” he explained.
The aim of this flow of arms is to drive
Mr Putin out of Ukraine. “We need to do
everything we can to ensure that he fails in
a catastrophic venture, does not succeed in
subjugating the people of Ukraine and that
he withdraws as fast as possible—perma
nently,” says Mr Johnson. He plays down
talk of “offramps, deals, ways out” for the
Russian president. “If you’re going to com
pletely abrogate all the rules of civilised be
haviour...thenyou’vegottofindyourown
wayoutofthat.”Britishofficialssaythat
theyarealsosendingadditionalJavelins
and Starstreak antiaircraft missiles,
whichcanshootdownplanes7kmaway.
Britain’sresponsetothecrisishasnot
been uniformly smooth, however. The
Home Office’s initially fumbled plan to
dealwithrefugees bearsthesame hall
marksofpooradministration,weakmin
isterialleadershipandbadplanningasthe
ForeignOffice’sbotchedresponsetothe
fallofKabul.TheBritishsanctionsregime
hasimprovedaftera ropeystart.OnMarch
15ththegovernmentsaiditwouldplace
sanctionson 370 more Russianindivid
uals,includingmorethan 50 oligarchsand
theirfamilieswitha combinednetworth
of £100bn. That brings the number of indi
viduals or entities put under sanctions
since Russia’s invasion to more than 1,000.
Yet a key test will be how well these are en
forced. One expert says there have been
barely any sanctionsrelated prosecutions
in the past decade and at most half a dozen
fines, averaging a paltry £3m each.
As Russia intensifies its war, Britain
and its allies face difficult decisions over
how far to go. Though Joe Biden, America’s
president, opposed a Polish bid to provide
old migjets to Ukraine, Western allies are
discussing the prospect of heavier and
more powerful arms, including bigger sur
facetoair missiles. Nuclear threats are
“fundamentally a distraction”, insists Mr
Johnson. But asked whether he is willing to
intervene directly in Ukraine if Mr Putin
uses chemical weapons, Mr Johnson is
more cautious. “It's very important that we
don't get locked into any kind of logic of di
rect conflict between the West and Russia
because that’s how Putin wants to portray
it...as a fight between him and nato. It
isn't. This is about the Ukrainian people
and their right to defend themselves.”
Mr Johnson concedes that Mr Putin
may have a greater stomach for risk than
the West. “In any situation like this, typi
cally, the most ruthless person wins,” he
says. “I don't think this is going to be such a
situation, because I think that he's fatally
underestimated the resolve of the Ukrai
nians and he's underestimated the resolve
and unity of the West.” On March 24th both
the eu and nato will hold summits in
Brussels; those meetings are likely to heap
yet more economic and diplomatic pres
sure on the Russian president.
Whatever happens on the battlefield in
the coming weeks, “there's a sense in
which Putin has already failed,” says Mr
Johnson. Russia might “lay the urban cen
tres of Ukraine to waste and claim some
sort of Pyrrhic victory”. But “everybody can
see that whatever he does to the infrastruc
ture or the buildings or the kindergartens
or the hospitals of Ukraine, he will never
conquer the hearts of Ukrainian people.”n
Britain
Germany
Poland
Ukraine
Belarus
Finland
Sweden
Norway
Est.
Lat.
Lith.
Russia
CzechRep.
France
Iceland
Ireland
Romania
Neth.
Bel.
Lux.
Aust.Hung.
Slovakia
Denmark
Joint Expeditionary Force members
Illusions dispelled