Performance of a Korean masculinity in Taiwanese men’s fashionmale celebrities featured on the covers of Men’s UNO offer a fertile ground for understanding
how and why they are featured in particular usage contexts, as well as the properties of a specific
genre for the identification of the discursive relevance of the interaction between the verbal and
visual modes. All the documents analyzed were retrieved from Taiwan’s Central Library, which
has collected hard copies of every issue of Men’s UNO since its inception.
The emergence of Korean men in taiwanese men’s fashion
While the residual nine Korean celebrities each present cases that are slightly different from that
of Choi’s, this study synthesizes four major themes prevalent across every persona as follows: first,
the rise of Koreans as well as the shared values among us as “East Asians”—to outperform their
Western counterparts; second, indifference to their own physical qualities despite possessing
a perfectly sculpted body; third, successfully performing the breadwinner’s role despite facing
various hardships; fourth, deriving immense enjoyment from male bonding and homosocial
activities. The four themes are not mutually exclusive, and often respond to one another in an
attempt to accentuate a sense of Asianness prevailing in “us”, whether Taiwanese, Chinese, or
Korean, by pointing to life events common “here.” Moreover, these themes are interwoven to
deliberately differentiate Asian from Western masculinities.
1 The rise of Koreans and we as “East Asians” to outperform their Western
counterparts
The interview with Choi starts with an account of the French friend’s jealousy, as men-
tioned earlier, suggesting that Choi has reached a global level of stardom. Despite the fame
and perfection, Choi remains the boy next door with a symbolic assertion of traditional
Asian masculine values, such as eating instant noodles at midnight, typical behavior com-
mon among young males who cannot cook and are unconcerned with watching their
weight. Despite Choi’s immaculate look and body shape, he reiterates his near indifference
to these external physical qualities, and channels his efforts into deeper and more lasting
virtues. Choi’s case exemplifies some contradictory currents underlying the representation
of Korean masculinity. Many shared masculine activities are brought up to render a sense
of “us,” as Asian males. Compulsory military service is a mutual experience shared by both
Taiwanese and Korean men. Akin to Taiwanese males, all Korean males must serve in the
military for three years. Given that, the rite of passage into manhood shared between Taiwan
and Korea becomes the key to maintaining the traditional masculinities in the face of simi-
lar challenges. For instance, men in military service, including celebrities, sought protection
from potential sun damage. The origin of men using facial lotion, creams, and special cam-
ouflage face paint arose from a practical concern as opposed to a cosmetic preoccupation.
This demonstrates the resultant harmonious blending of traditional male identity and the
newer Flower Man identity in Korean society (Holiday and Elfving-Hwang 2015).
Despite becoming a prevalent global phenomenon, the “metrosexual” male seems to
speak differently to Asian males. This study will illustrate how the sense of metrosexuality
as accords Asian males follows from a localized seonbi/wen masculinity, engaging contra-
dictory activities, such as bodybuilding and skin care routines. Seonbi/wen values are often
articulated in interviews with Ji, Choi, Jung, and Henney. The virtues of perseverance,
endless humility, and endless modesty, are commonly ascribed as life mottos in cover stories
in Men’s UNO. The discourse of wen masculinity is narrated by Jung Woo-sung, who has
starred as a killer in various TV dramas, on how he “respects a man who assumes a humble
position and works really hard and achieves perfection ...” Jung and Ji, among many others,