AUGUST 13, 2018 INDIA TODAY 25
cal history, especially of the northwest-
ern Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, or K-P, where
interests with the military converged and
diverged but, ultimately, were managed
well by Khan’s provincial administration.
Nor have they figured in Khan’s tense past
with the Musharraf administration.
Finally, there are the more reasonable
Get Realists, who think there is actual,
organic synergy between Khan and the
GHQ, and that mutual admiration can
actually fill Pakistan’s largest divide—the
civil-military ‘garrison gap’.
“If you look back at history, most
prominent political figures in Pakistan—
Bhutto, Sharif etc.—have been called
or actually enjoyed being the military’s
blue-eyed boys, at some point in time,”
says Faisal Aftab, the VC macro analyst.
“As he assumes power, you will have an
alignment between the military and po-
litical government for the first time in 10
years. This will result in more synergetic
decision-making and more political sta-
bility, which will ultimately result in more
economic growth and financial stability.”
A highly-placed security official was
also clear, even optimistic, about Khan’s
too-close-to-the-generals reputation
problem. “This backed-by-the-army
controversy created around the elections
is aimed at developing a lever over Khan
based on the legitimacy of the election
IMRAN’S CHARMED CIRCLE
People likely to occupy key positions in his
government
HUNK TO HUSBAND At the
Sharjah Cup in Dubai, circa 1987
(left); with first wife Jemima at an
election rally in 2002
ASAD UMAR: THE WHIZ KID
The lanky, military-bred MBA is a laidback overachiever.
He had a successful stint as the CEO of Engro Corp, is
equally at ease in a boardroom or a rally, and has long
been cited as Khan’s finance minister. Analysts think
that he’s also foreign minister material
SHIREEN MAZARI:
MISS
UNCONGENIALITY
A hawk from the
coun try’s editorial
circuit, the former
newspaper editor is
tough on India, tough
on the US, tough on the opposition,
which makes it difficult for her to
assume a diplomatic role. She’s likely
to feature as a strong spokesperson
on foreign affairs, and maybe land the
defence portfolio
SHAH MAHMOOD QURESHI:
MR AABPARA
Named so after the ISI’s nei gh-
bour hood and his def erence to it
in his foreign ministry days; was
among the first ‘electables’ to join
Khan. Is expected to be for eign
minister, or handle defence/ home
JAHANGIR KHAN TAREEN:
THE CONSIGLIERE
The richest man in the party,
has everything Khan needs in
a deputy—communication and
organisational skills, backroom
smarts, political acumen and
millions to throw at party affairs
PERVEZ KHATTAK: THE DELIVERY MAN
Schoolmates from
Aitchison College,
Lahore, Khattak
was instrumental
in delivering K-P to
Khan in this and the
previous election.
Without five years of reasonably
good governance from Peshawar,
Khattak couldn’t have broken the K-P
electorate’s curse of never re-electing
an incumbent. Now cut out for bigger
things, perhaps the interior ministry
OWNING THE
WORLD Imran
with the cricket
world cup trophy
at the Melbourne
cricket ground in
1992
On fighting
terrorism,
Khan has
nuanced his
position over
the years
process, to be used in the post-election
period,” he says, on condition of anonym-
ity. “However, Khan will easily tread
through this perceptional quagmire by
just being himself. Every newcomer na-
tionalist populist leader faces this at the
start, so it’s not much of an issue. His ini-
tial success and people’s confidence will
automatically defeat all such agendas.”
Here’s a reality check. Go back, way
back, and a trend will emerge between
Khan and the army. Short of a brief span
of anti-Americanism in the Musharraf-
Bush years (when he was arrested), Khan
has really never crossed swords or clashed
with the army on any major policy issue.
He has been ahead of the curve, even,
consciously or sub-consciously, in tan-
dem with the deep state at crucial times
of this country’s dynamic history. He was
anti-drone when nobody could criticise
drones (now everyone can, thanks to the
AFP
STEPHEN DUPONT/AFP