76 GordonWait!
Whilesocial
diversity
was
unquestionably
a
characteristicofurban
Wollongong.
thesocial
composition
of
Berkeley
remained
relatively
homogeneous.
Furthermore.
in
thecontext ofdebut
regarding
Asian
immigrationduring
the
mid—19905,
analysis
of
regional
variationsof
ethnocentrism in NewSouth
Wales
suggested
heightened
racismwithin the
region.
theIllawarra
(Dunn
and
MacDonald
ZOOI).
Vilificationof
minority
groups
in
Wollongong
was
perhaps
elevated
by
high
levelof
unemployment
because
ofstructural
changes
tothecoal
andsteel-based
regionaleconomy(Vasta
and
Castles
1996).
Whenthe
planningprocessesinllinning
the
decisionstoincludeandexcludean
ethnic
minority
religion‘splaceofworship
are
considered,
Wollongong
becomes
perhaps
aless
remarkablelocationforaBuddhist
temple.Throughout
the
I9805.
several
Sydney
municipal
Councils
deployed
town
planning
and
building
codes
todiscriminate
against
the
practice
of
minority
religions particularly
Hinduism.
Islamand
Buddhism. In I990theEthnicAffairs
Commission‘sAnnual
Report
concludedthat:
[O]ver
the
past
ten
years, minority religions
especially
ethnic
minority
religions
have
foundthemselvesatthecentreof
majorlegal
battlesaswell
as
community
conflictsovertheir
right
to
pursue
developments
of
places
of
worship
and
religious
instructionasis
requiredby
theirvariousdoctrines.
(Ethnic
AffairsCommission1990:
I7]
The
difiieultiesendured
byreligious
minoritiesover
securingplanningpermis-
sions
culminatedinan
interdepartmental
investigation
(Ethnic
AffairsCommission
ofNew South
Wales
1991).
Dunndemonstrated how
discoursesofIslam as
‘fanatical‘and‘intolerant‘
faith
heightened
uneaseand
widened
opposition
tothe
constmction
ofmosques
in
certain
Sydney
suburbs
(ZOOI:29]).
Localauthorities
refused
planningpermission
for
mosques
onthe
grounds
thatthe
proposals
were
out
of‘character'withthelocal
neighbourhood
(Bouma
I992:
52;
Murphy
and
WatsonI997:
28).
In
contrast.
Wollongong City
Council. under the
leadership
ofthe Lord
Mayor
Frank
Arkell
0974—1991)
withhis
catchery
‘Wonderful
Wollongong'.
had
championed
minorityrcligions'places
ofworship.
Forinstance.
during
the198th
planning
consentwas
given
to
building
aHindu
temple
near
Helensburgh.
Cultural
diversity
was
seemingly
embracedasa
potential
mechanismto
signifyvitality
to
potential
investorsinwhatwas
increasingly
a
depressed
local
economy.
Inthe l9905NanTien
Temple
provided
another
opportunity
for
Wollongong
City
Council to revitalize the local
economy along
‘cultural
capital'
lines
(where
‘symbolic'consumption practices provide
abasis for
capital
accumu-
lation
rather
than
production)Throughout
the
I9805international
competition
andtheassociated
process
ofdeindustrialization
severelydamagedWollongong's
economicbaseof
coalmining
and
steelmaking.
Closureof
coalminesandmassive
job
lossassociatedwiththe
restructuring
ofthesteelworkshadfar
reaching
effects
throughout
the local
economy.
generatinglong-term
structural
unemployment.
Higher
thannational
averageunemployment
ratesthencombinedwith
negative
—g—
_—
Locating
aBuddhist
temple
in
Wit/Itmgang
77
portrayals
in
Sydney‘sprint
media.
whichwroteat
length
about
the‘Steel
City's‘
pollution,unemployment
and
crime.
tosustaina
grim.ugly.
‘rust-town'
place
image.
Suchwasthe
negativeplace
image
thatAustralian
comediansridiculed
Wollongong
asa‘nowhere‘
place.
In l984the
place
name
‘Wollongong'
wasso
tarnishedthatllaroldllanson.
thenchairoftheLeisureand
TouristAsso ationl
unsuccessfullyproposed
thatthe
city
should
change
itsname
to
‘lllawarra‘.
alter
the
surroundingregion.
Sincethe l98tls. rather
than aname
change.
the
WollongongCit)
(‘ouncil
ranaseriesof
placepromotion
campaigns.
Thefirstcentred
onthe
slogan,
‘the
Leisure
Coast‘.
the mostrecent,
‘the
City
ofInnovation‘.
‘TheLeisure Coast'
strategy
was toreinvent
Wollongong
as
Sydney'splayground.
The
campaign
came
replete
with
images
of
outdoorrecreationandadventure
sports
set
against
a
backdrop
ofrainforests.beaches
andwaterfalls.However.
inthe
place
wars'
over
sharing
thedomestictourist
andleisuremarket
dollar.
thelackofa
unique.
‘must-see‘attraction
handicapped
Wollongong.Securing
NanTien
Temple
would
complementWollongong City
Council‘s
objective
of
teAimaging
the
city
and
restnrcturing
the local economic
base within the service sector.
panicularly
tourism.Thenextsection
examinesthediscoursesofthe
l’o
Kuung
Shuniiithe
choicetolocateNariTien
Temple
in
Wollongong.
Fa
Kuang
Shan.
geomancy
andNanTien
Temple
faithand
geomancy
are
crucialto
explainwhy
aTaiwaneseBuddhistsectwould
considerAustralia.
yet
alone
Wollongong.
as
asuitablesitefora
templecomplex.
According
totheBuddhistfaith.
constructing
a
templecomplex
isa
s)
nibolol'
the
devotionofthe
person
whoerected
it.
a
means
by
which
they
canaccumulate
the
meritsneededfor
achieving
final
enlightenment.
Inthelatel9805theFir
Kuang
Shah‘sGrand Master
l~Ising
Yun
was
contemplatingconstructing
anAustralian
temple
tofulfilhis
objective
to
propagate
thedharma
globally.complementing
monasteriesand
temples
in 26 other
countries
including
Canada.
ItongKong.
Malaysia.
the
Philippines
andtheUnited
States.ItisbelievedthatGrand
Master
l-Ismg
Yunfirstlearntabout
Wollongong
whencanvassedinTaiwan
by
Christine
Yuen.
aVietnameseaAustraliun from
the lllawarra. about the
possibilities
of
building
a
temple
in
Wollongong.
Thelocalresident
praised
the
region's
beauty
and
proximity
to
Sydney.
Early
in 1989 GrandMaster
llsing
Yunvisited
Wollongong
and
the
proposed
Flagstaff
Hill site.Thiswas
afavourablelocation
according
to
the
timerspace
’surface'ofthe
t‘engshiiidnflutnced
worldview.A
tengshui
worldview
identified
flowsofcosmic
energy
known
as
qi,
leatherandChow
(2000:
Jill
notethat
thesetofideas
underpinning
fengshui
arean
‘attempt
to
manipulate
the
future.
by
organising
one‘suse
oftimeand
space
inordertofitthe
patterning
ofthe
universe'.The
nonh-facing
relationship
of
Flagstaff
Hill
withMountKeiraand
Mount
Kernblawas
an
important
geomantic
selectionfactor
(Park
1994:
247).
In
the
caseofNan
Tien
Temple.
theReverendMan
Singexplained
thatinChinese
thinking
the
temples
locationin
respect
tothe
topographyrepresented
a
chair.