The Price of Prestige

(lily) #1

40 chapter two


geographic diffusion took some time. Thus, the watchtower fashion ar­

rived in London and Toulouse at the time when it was already banned in

Italy and was considered archaic and grotesque (Thomson 1993 , 176 ). In

this case, there seems to be a clear connection between the life cycle of the

status symbol and issues of taste, fashion, and aesthetic valuation.

The watchtower example highlights the connection between symbol dif­

fusion and spirals of exaggeration. In the absence of state intervention,

conspicuous consumption was likely to devour an increasingly large share

of local resources. The Romans recognized the risk of such trends through

a normative distinction between luxus and luxuria. Whereas luxus referred

to sensuality, splendor, and indulgence, luxuria referred to excess and waste

and, at times, was described as a “social malaise”— the ruinous spending

of inherited assets on worthless demonstrations of wealth (Thomson 1993 ,

2 – 3 ). In the tower mania case, processes of symbol diffusion certainly went

beyond luxus and into the realm of luxuria. As anyone who traces the sky­

lines of Dubai, Taipei, Shanghai, or Kuala Lumpur can observe, contem­

porary tower mania is alive and well. The economic cost of contemporary

tower­ mania luxuria became evident when Dubai’s construction of a mil­

lionaires’ playground in the middle of the desert, complete with the world’s

tallest tower, led to a financial crash in November 2009.

The Renaissance tower ban was a successful effort to curb the social

cost of luxuria. Throughout history, we can find similar political attempts

(with varying degrees of success) to check spiraling consumption through

the introduction of sumptuary laws. In most cases, sumptuary legislation

regulates consumption based on class and rank. An English 1517 law, for

ex ample, determined the number of courses to be served in banquets based

on the rank of the top attendee: nine courses for a cardinal, six courses for

a lord, and three for those whose annual income exceeded forty pounds

(Hooper 1915 , 435 ). Other laws regulated the color, design, and fabric of

clothing (even underwear), the type and quantity of food, the size of hous­

ing, the style of furniture, the length of swords, and even the size and dress­

ing of children’s dolls (Hooper 1915 ; White 2014 ; Benhamou 1989 ; Shively

1964 , 135 ). Excesses of fashion, for example, were seen as drivers of infla­

tion, trade deficits, and vice and even as strategic liabilities in war. In 1356 ,

during the battle of Poitiers, dismounted French cavalry discovered that

their fashionable long­ toed footwear, an exaggerated shoe that was popular

among medieval upper classes, was not suitable for walking, let alone fight­

ing in the mud. Many had to chop parts of their shoes off in order to be

able to fight. The resulting defeat was followed by sumptuary restrictions
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