The Price of Prestige

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46 chapter two


does not allow for any categorical significance that goes beyond the direct

implications of the distribution of power. Alternatively, Eyre and Such­

man ( 1996 , 98 ) suggest that actors try to carve out separate status for

them selves by acquiring distinctive roles: regional power, superpower,

mediator, balancer. Through their investment in conspicuous consump­

tion, actors are in essence purchasing and expressing both individual as

well as class identity (Burke 2005 , 68 ). This suggestion that actors gain

certain rights, benefits, and responsibilities based on membership in a

certain class violates Waltz’s assertion that actors are not functionally dif­

ferentiated within the international system (Waltz 1979 , 97 – 99 ).^11 Once

we claim that roles, tastes, consumption patterns, and preferences are

affected by class membership, we start allowing for some functional dif­

ferentiation in the system, thus moving away from the Waltzian model of

international relations.

What Makes an Effective Status Symbol?

What makes certain status symbols more attractive and enduring than oth­

ers? We have already established that status symbols are usually picked

from a recognized menu of power indexes. However, not all indexes evolve

into status symbols. The process through which an indicator is selected and

then translated into a specific act of consumption that can serve as a status

symbol requires further theorizing and elaboration. Eyre and Suchman

( 1996 , 96 ) argue that distinctive and technologically sophisticated weap­

ons systems hold greater symbolic value than widespread and mundane

ones. Taken more generally, their argument suggests that status symbols

need to have high “broadcast efficiency” in order to be effective (Gintis,

Smith, and Bowles 2001 , 113 ).^12 Most enduring status symbols in interna­

tional relations, therefore, tend to be conspicuous and distinct; they are

easily observable and leave little room for interpretation. O’Neill makes

a similar point when he analyzes the prestige implications of India’s 1998

nuclear test. Responding to dovish Indians’ calls for focusing on economic

development as an alternative vehicle for Indian prestige, O’Neill notes,

“events of social development do not usually explode; they are generally

gradual. A decrease in infant mortality of 1 percent does not make head­

lines to ensure that everyone knows that everyone else knows it” (O’Neill

2006 , 19 ). In this sense, for example, an aircraft carrier is a much more

effective status symbol than an expensive and highly sophisticated ballistic
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