WEDNESDAY,NOVEMBER6,2019 | THE GLOBE AND MAILO A
OPINION
NEWS |
E
very so often, I’m invited to a
school to talk about journal-
ism. It’s usually at a college
or university, but last month, I
spoke at the High School Journal-
ism Conference in Toronto. No of-
fence to the classrooms full of
twentysomethings that I’ve
bored in the past, but the teenag-
ers’ energy and engagement was
so intense it was startling. I men-
tioned it later to an organizer,
who speculated that high school-
ers still face consequences if they
don’t put down their phones and
pay attention.
That’s probably not the entire
reason, but it is true that older
students are often looking at
their screens instead of me. It’s al-
so true that reams of studies have
shown that excessive cellphone
use can interrupt learning and
harm academic performance. So
on the face of it, the classroom
cellphone ban instituted by the
Ontariogovernment makes a lot
of sense.
Look a little deeper, though,
and things get murkier. Firstly,
the ban isn’t really a ban at all.
Students can still use phones for
educational, health or medical
purposes, which was already
many schools’ stated or de facto
policy. And with 10,000 teaching
jobs slated to be eliminated over
the next five years, larger classes
and more work will reduce teach-
ers’ ability to limit phone use any-
way.
Meanwhile, the Progressive
Conservatives are making online
high-school classes mandatory,
even though they carry many of
the same risks as cellphones for
developing adolescent brains.
Plus, both the elementary and
secondary school teachers’
unions are poised to strike, mean-
ing children may lose out on
schooling entirely. While this
week’s pseudo-ban on classroom
cellphone use may do some good,
it won’t make up for the many
ways the provincialgovernment
keeps mucking up the education
file.
Plenty of research suggests
that overuse of cellphones can
have a negative effect on adoles-
cents’ academic performance.
One 2015 study on texting pub-
lished by the American Psycho-
logical Association said texting in
class lessened the level of detail in
students’ notes, as well as their
ability to recall details of the day’s
lessons.
Girls, especially, tended to be
preoccupied by social interac-
tions over text. Along with inter-
fering with school work, it drove
up their levels of anxiety and
mental distress.
Fractured attention spans are
an obvious risk: The same study
found that students were distract-
ed by their phones as often as ev-
ery six minutes. But a similar
problem was found in a 2019
study of online learning out of
Kent State University. Attempts
to multitask were greater in on-
line courses than face-to-face
classrooms, with a noted negative
effect on understanding, recall
and retention.
The Kent paper focused on col-
lege students, which makes Onta-
rio’s decision to have all high-
school students take four courses
online particularly ill-advised.
Researchers found that younger
students were more likely to have
their attention drift when being
taught by a computer, instead of a
teacher.
Five per cent of Ontario high-
school students currently take an
online course, most often high
achievers who want to get anoth-
er credit quickly. That number
will spike to 95 per cent when the
new program begins next year,
meaning even those not suited to
e-learning will have to try it any-
way. This is a particular disadvan-
tage to boys, who are more likely
than girls to be weak readers. Not
to mention that the government
still hasn’t explained how stu-
dents who don’t have easy access
to high-speed internet are sup-
posed to complete these courses.
That’s the long-term view – in
the short term, the province
keeps presenting families with
potential education chaos. Hav-
ing barely escaped a strike by
education support workers last
month, the PCs are now standing
off with teachers. Ontario’s ele-
mentary teachers just voted 98
per cent in favour of strike action
that could begin in about two
weeks. High-school teachers
haven’t had a strike vote yet, but
their union is just as displeased in
its negotiations with the prov-
ince. Both groups want changes
to the province’s proposed in-
creased class sizes, below-infla-
tion wage increase and reduced
per-student funding.
So sure, restricting cellphone
use in classrooms is a great idea.
It’s not a substitute, though, for a
genuine commitment to quality
education for Ontario’s public-
school students.
Cellphonebanissmart–buthypocritical
OntarioPremierFord’s
classroomrestriction
isagoodidea–but
it’snosubstitutefor
genuinecommitment
toeducation
DENISE
BALKISSOON
OPINION
The ban isn’t really a
ban at all. Students can
still use phones for
educational, health or
medical purposes,
which was already many
schools’ stated or de
facto policy.
T
he Democrats have a habit
of falling in love with saint-
ly new faces as potential na-
tion-rescuers.
After Richard Nixon, along
came the pious Jimmy Carter. “I
will never lie to you,” he solemnly
vowed. He won the Democratic
nomination, then the presidency.
In 1988, Michael Dukakis, an-
other virtuous type, became the
nominee and was promptly wal-
loped by George H.W. Bush. After
Mr. Bush’s son W. and his war-
mongering vice-president, Dick
Cheney, came the noble and
high-minded Barack Obama.
Now, another do-gooder
threatens to claim the country’s
saviour mantle. That would be
the brainiac wonder boy Pete
Buttigieg. Less than a year ago, he
was the totally unknown 37-year-
old gay mayor of South Bend, Ind.
Now, he’s the candidate on the
move. He’s only fourth in nation-
al polls, far behind the three old
warhorses – Joe Biden, Bernie
Sanders and Elizabeth Warren –
all of whom are no less than two
generations older than him.
But national polls aren’t the
key barometer. Where to look is
where the candidates stand in the
first two primaries, Iowa and New
Hampshire. Mr. Buttigieg is right
there with the front-runners in
Iowa and on the rise in the Gran-
ite State.
Mayor Pete is touting the Oba-
ma comparison. In a recent fun-
draising letter (I’m somehow on
his mailing list), he made the
point that this campaign was
2008 all over again, that he is re-
kindling the same excitement in
today’s hyper-divided country as
happened that year.
What gives Mr. Buttigieg dis-
tinction in the field is that he is a
religious Democrat. At a time
when the country’s moral stan-
dards are being shredded, he
comes across as a young man of
moral stature and authority well
capable of leading an ethical re-
naissance.
A devout Espicopalian who
cites Scripture, Mayor Pete uses
the language of faith in his cam-
paign, something Democrats
have always shied away from and
something that is normally the
domain of Republicans.
He confronts religious conser-
vatives, calling out the Christian
right for its shameful charade in
supporting an immoral President
such as Donald Trump.
It’s hypocrisy on stilts – and he
is right to do so. “The Republican
party likes to cloak itself in the
language of religion,” Mr. Butti-
gieg says. “We should call out hy-
pocrisy when we see it.”
He has taken on Vice-Presi-
dent Mike Pence for his opposi-
tion to same-sex marriage. On
immigration, he says any party
that thinks “God would condone
putting children in cages has lost
all claim to ever use religious lan-
guage again.”
Mr. Buttigieg has the three
leading candidates looking over
their shoulders. He is a moderate
from the Rust Belt. He isn’t sad-
dled with the yesterday’s-man
foibles of Mr. Biden or with a rad-
ical medicare-for-all policy such
as Mr. Sanders and Ms. Warren.
Given that tens of millions of
Americans would have to relin-
quish their private health-insur-
ance plans, it’s a high-risk issue.
National medicare, the critics say,
equals national nightmare.
It was expected that Mr. Butti-
gieg’s being gay might be a hand-
icap. But so far, there are few
signs. If the United States could
elect a black president, it could
elect a gay one, too.
Mr. Buttigieg’s military back-
ground (he served in Afghanis-
tan) gives him credibility on the
right. Intellectually, he’s second
to none – a Rhodes scholar with a
working knowledge of no less
than eight languages.
Weaknesses are his inexperi-
ence and his lack of traction thus
far with minority voters, a big
handicap.
It’s presumptuous for him to
think of becoming president at
such a tender age; he would be
the youngest ever. But the more
people see of him, his compo-
sure, his broad perspective, his
balance of mind, the more
they’re convinced he is excep-
tional. That’s why he’s gone from
an unknown with an unwieldy
name to the candidate with the
Big Mo.
He could have waited to go for
the top job until he has more sea-
soning, but because Mr. Trump is
in power, the timing is right. In
many ways, he is the perfect
counter to this President.
Mayor Pete is doing so well
that he said the other day that the
Democratic race is getting to be a
two-person fight between him-
self and Ms. Warren.
It isn’t. In fact, he walked the
comment back. But it’s well with-
in the realm of possibility that
the Democrats – and the country,
too – will turn to the long-shot
morality candidate the way they
did for Mr. Carter and Mr. Obama.
Themoralitycandidate:PeteButtigiegjustmightwinthisthing
LAWRENCE
MARTIN
OPINION
WASHINGTON
Democraticpresidential
candidateandmayorof
SouthBend,Ind.,Pete
Buttigiegspeaksatthe
IowaDemocraticWing
DinginClearLake,Iowa,
inAugust.JOHN LOCHER/
ASSOCIATED PRESS
I
n the overheated political
times in which we live, the
passage of legislation that will
arguably create even greater un-
certainty in the country’s re-
source development sector
might be considered poor tim-
ing.
Especially if thegovernment
responsible for the new law is
one viewed as a hostile enemy of
the province that most needs en-
ergy market roadblocks disman-
tled, not erected – Alberta. But
such is the fractured nature of
our federation these days.
Last week, legislation intro-
duced by British Columbia’s New
Democratic Party government
aimed at implementing the Unit-
ed Nations Declaration on the
Rights of Indigenous Peoples (or
UNDRIP, as it’s more commonly
known) passed second reading.
It’s expected to receive royal as-
sent in the next few weeks.
This is landmark stuff. UN-
DRIP was adopted by 144 coun-
tries in 2007. Originally, one of
four countries that refused to
sign onto the accord, Canada re-
lented and became a signatory
three years later. The declaration
sets out the minimum standards
for the “survival, dignity and
well-being” of Indigenous peo-
ples around the world.
It comprises 46 articles, the
most contentious of which is No.
32: Governments (or agents)
must consult in good faith with
Indigenous peoples to obtain
their “free and informed con-
sent” prior to the approval of any
project affecting their lands and
territories.
There are some who have in-
terpreted this section as handing
First Nations the right to reject
resource development projects
that are not to their liking. For-
mer Saskatchewan premier Brad
Wall said Article 32 amounts to a
“de facto veto of natural resource
projects, potential pipelines ...
for our First Nations.” And that is
a common sentiment among
business types in Canada, who
believe certaingovernments are
doing enough as it is to destroy
resource development in this
country without bringing in ad-
ditional measures that could in-
troduce further delays to a
much-criticized approval proc-
ess.
Prime Minister Justin Trudeau
committed to adopting UNDRIP
at the federal level. Legislation
was passed by the House of
Commons in 2018, but got stalled
in the Senate, where it died on
the order paper when the recent
election was called. Given the
current political climate, I some-
how doubt Mr. Trudeau will be
eager to reignite passage of the
bill any time soon.
My guess is there will be other
priorities.
It’s worth noting that the
Business Council of B.C. has en-
dorsed the provincial legislation.
The Opposition Liberals don’t
appear to have any interest in
thwarting its passage either. The
most common refrain I hear
from those you’d expect to be
most concerned about the law’s
impact is: The courts have al-
ready said that inherent Indige-
nous rights and titles exist. This
doesn’t supersede that assess-
ment.
I mostly subscribe to that
viewpoint. However, I think we
all know that the rights imbued
in the UN doctrine will at least
give First Nations more ammuni-
tion. And that ammunition will
be used to leverage their power
even more. Ultimately, that pow-
er will be tested in court.
Even B.C. Premier John Hor-
gan concedes that.
“We won’t know [the impact
UNDRIP will have] until the
courts advise us,” the Premier
told me during an interview in
his office. “There are going to be
subsets of nations or clans with-
in houses that will say I don’t
like this and they will inevitably
test these things in the courts.”
But the Premier told me he
has gone through the UN lan-
guage forward and backward
and while the words “free, prior
and informed consent” do exist,
the word “veto” does not.
“Consent is subjective and
that’s where the courts may have
an interpretation,” the Premier
said.
Ultimately, the question is:
How has the current system
worked in terms of getting cer-
tainty around resource develop-
ment? The answer can only be it
hasn’t, especially when it comes
to First Nations involvement. So
why not try a different metho-
dology?
Will it be the end of litigation?
No. But it will force parties to sit
down in a more meaningful way
that could help avoid the courts.
That said, it’s worth remem-
bering that most of B.C. was not
settled by treaties as was the case
elsewhere in the country. Conse-
quently, ownership to almost 100
per cent of the province is under
challenge by more than 200 First
Nations.
That, in itself, will always pose
the greatest threat to resource
development in the province.
And all the screaming and foot-
stomping by politicians in other
parts of the country will never
change that.
UNDRIPisyetanotherheadacheforJasonKenney
GARY
MASON
OPINION
VICTORIA