Russian Hajj. Empire and the Pilgrimage to Mecca - Eileen Kane

202 Notes to Pages 53–57

18. Ibid., 12.


19. Ibid., 8, 27–29.


20. Khadzhi Salim-Girei Sultanov, “Sviashchennaia oblastʹ musulʹman v Aravii (iz vospominanii
    palomnika),” Zemlevedenie kniga 1–2 (1901): 85–144; IV RAN, A1522, “Evveli hac el-harameyn,”
    1–2.


21. “Rixlätel-Märcäni,” in Bolğar wä Qazan Törekläre, ed. Rizaeddin Fakhreddinev (Kazan:
    Tatarstan kitap näşriyatı, 1997), 130–150.


22. F. E. Peters, The Hajj: Pilgrimage to Mecca (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995),
    266–315.


23. The literature on colonial knowledge and imperial conquest is vast. See, for example, Bernard
    S. Cohn, Colonialism and Its Forms of Knowledge: The British in India (Princeton, NJ: Princeton
    University Press, 1996), ix; Nicholas B. Dirks, ed., Colonialism and Culture (Ann Arbor: University
    of Michigan Press, 1992); and Francine Hirsch, Empire of Nations: Ethnographic Knowledge and The
    Making of the Soviet Union (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press), 146. On map-making as a technol-
    ogy of empire, see Matthew H. Edney, Mapping an Empire: The Geographical Construction of British
    India, 1765–1843 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990); and Barbara Mundy, Mapping New
    Spain: Indigenous Cartography and the Maps of the Relaciones Geograficas (Chicago: University of
    Chicago Press, 1996).


24. In seeing, and making, this distinction, I have drawn inspiration from the geographer David
    Harvey’s theorizing of space, in particular his division of space into three categories (absolute, rela-
    tive, and relational). See David Harvey, “Space as a Keyword,” in David Harvey: A Critical Reader, ed.
    Noel Castree and Derek Gregory (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2006), 70–93.


25. V. G. Chernukha, Pasport v Rossii, 1719–1917 (St. Petersburg: Liki Rossii, 2007), 257.


26. On the 1865 order, see DAOO, f. 1, op. 174, d. 7, ll. 1–3.


27. David Edwin Long, The Hajj Today: A  Survey of the Contemporary Pilgrimage to Makkah
    (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1979), 69.


28. Ibid., 72–73; Peters, The Hajj, 301–305.


29. DAOO, f. 1, op. 174, d. 7, ll. 54–55.


30. In 1859, based on information that the Crimean Tatars had collaborated with the Ottomans
    in the Crimean War, the Russian government had encouraged and to some extent forced their
    migration, causing a mass exodus of some 100,000 Crimean Tatars into Ottoman lands. Within a
    year the tsar- ist government would change its mind, worried about the negative effects of emigration
    on the economic and agricultural development of the region. In 1860 it reversed the order, ordering
    tsarist officials to stop issuing passports to Tatars, and to instead encourage them to stay. But the
    damage had been done. Tatars had become wary of the government, and the region had lost much
    of its productive population. Alan W. Fisher, The Crimean Tatars (Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution
    Press, 1978), 89, 93. See also James H. Meyer, “Immigration, Return, and the Politics of Citizenship:
    Russian Muslims in the Ottoman Empire, 1860–1914,” International Journal of Middle East Studies
    39, no. 1 (Feb. 2007): 15–32.


31. On the ease with which Jewish migrants in Russia got fake passports, see Eugene M. Avrutin,
    Jews and the Imperial State: Identification Politics in Tsarist Russia (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University
    Press, 2010), 127–130. On the problem of venal officials easily bribed to issue illegal passports, see
    DAOO, f. 1, op. 249, d. 468.


32. DAOO, f. 1, op. 174, d. 7, ll. 17–20ob, 21–22ob; f. 1, op. 249, d. 468.


33. Suraiya Faroqhi, Pilgrims and Sultans: The Hajj under the Ottomans (London: I.B. Tauris,
    1994), 139–142. Robert McChesney, while acknowledging that some Central Asians got to Mecca
    by way of Constantinople, questions claims by Faroqhi and others that this “northern” route was
    preferred by Central Asians in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. See R. D. McChesney, “The