166 Gréte Dalmi
the antecedent of English oneself, the antecedent of generic inclusive proGN in Hungar-
ian must be in an adjacent clause.
A different type of duality is observed with generic null DP subjects of infinitival
clauses. As opposed to standard PRO, PROarb has been described in the generative
syntactic literature as the generic null pronominal subject of infinitival clauses that
does not require any antecedent. In addition, there exists a third type of null subject in
Control infinitival clauses, PROGN, which differs from the other two in that it always
requires a generic inclusive controller in the matrix clause.
The PROGN subject of Control infinitival clauses shares features with generic
inclusive one/oneself in English (and its lexical or null counterparts in other lan-
guages), found in finite clauses. PROarb, by contrast, corresponds to generic exclusive
people (and its lexical or null counterparts in other languages) found in finite clauses.
Given that PROarb cannot serve as an antecedent for genericity-inducing one/oneself
(contrary to Moltmann 2006, 2012 ), its properties will be discussed only in relation to
PROGN in this paper.
Generic inclusive lexical and null DPs are found also with psych-impersonal
(epistemic, deontic, attitudinal, evaluative and other impersonal) predicates selecting
a dative experiencer argument and an infinitival clause. When the dative experiencer
is a generic inclusive DP (az ember-nek ‘the man-dat or proGN-DAT), it will control
the PROGN subject of the infinitival clause selected by the psych-impersonal predi-
cate. PROGN shares features with its generic inclusive lexical or null DP controller (az
ember-nekGN ‘the man-dat’ or proGN-dat).
The organization of the paper is as follows. 1.1 presents the four major types of
Null Subject Languages (NSLs) established by Roberts & Holmberg (2010: 12). 1.2
introduces expletive, referential and generic null DPs in Hungarian. Part 2 deals with
the semantic interpretation of generic inclusive lexical and null DPs on the basis of
Moltmann (2006, 2010 , 2012 ). In 2.1, some interpretive differences between generic
inclusive one vs. generic exclusive people are discussed, while 2.2 establishes connection
between generic inclusive one and PROGN (as distinct from PROarb). 2.3 deals with
generic inclusive lexical and null dative experiencer antecedents for proGN and PROGN
in Hungarian. Part 3 offers an alternative account of the generic inclusive vs. unique
reference alternation in Italian and cross-linguisitcally. On the basis of Moltmann
(2006, 2010 , 2012 ), it is proposed that Italian impersonal si-constructions analysed
by D’Alessandro & Alexiadou (2003), contain a GN operator in SpeechParticipant-
Phrase (SAPP), which is taken here to be the leftmost projection of the C-domain,
and that this operator is responsible for checking the [+GN] feature, hence for the
generic inclusive reading of si. In the absence of the [+GN] fearure, si is interpreted
with unique reference. 3.1 deals with the feature composition of 3sg generic inclusive
vs. 3sg referential null DPs in Hungarian. 3.2 gives an inventory of generic inclusive
lexical and null DPs in the languages discussed in the paper. Part 4 is a summary of
the findings.