Advances in the Syntax of DPs - Structure, agreement, and case

The feature geometry of generic inclusive null DPs in Hungarian 185

In the light of the proposal made by Moltmann (2006, 2010 , 2012 ), it is reasonable to
assume that the generic inclusive interpretation universally arises due to the presence of
the GN operator, taking scope over the whole proposition. As was noted in 1.2, generic
inclusive DPs are first person-oriented, context-dependent, group-denoting items with
an attitudinal epistemic modal base. Given that 1st person-orientation implies a speech
act participant, this provides sufficient justification for locating GN in SAPP.^16
In this scenario, it is appropriate for si in Italian to have its [+GN] feature licensed
in SAPP via Agree, yielding the generic inclusive interpretation. In this case si has
no [phi] features in need of licensing, and is only compatible with the [‒perf ] feature
of ASP. If, on the other hand, si has no [+GN] feature at all, its [+SAP], [+phi] and
[+perf ] features will be licensed via Agree in SAPP, TP and ASPP, respectively, giving
rise to the 1pl reading. On such occasions GN is absent:

(81)

SAP′

SAP

[–GN]

[+participant]

... TP

T′

T

mangiato

eat.

... SAPP

Spec

Spec

ASPP

Spec ASP′

ASP vP

si v′

v VP

è

have

[+phi]

[+perf]

16. The feature geometry proposed by Krzek (this volume) is fairly complex to foresee how
    it can handle context-sensitivity, generic and unique reference alternation, antecedence and
    related inssues cross-linguistically. What is relevant for the present exposition is that unique
    reference reading should be kept apart from generic reading in all persons. In this respect the
    two models are equal.