186 Gréte Dalmi
In Icelandic, with no aspectual restriction on reference alternation, the [±GN] and
[±participant] features are licensed in SAPP, whereas the [±phi] features are licensed
in TP in the canonical way.3.1 The feature composition of generic inclusive vs. referential null DPs
in Hungarian
Hungarian is a language with no generic inclusive/unique reference alternation, simi-
lar to the one found in Radical NSLs, Consistent NSLs and Expletive NSLs. This is due
to the fact that in discourse-semantically neutral finite clauses, null DPs are interpreted
as generic inclusive only if they have a generic inclusive antecedent in the preceding
clause, (82); without such an antecedent, however, they are taken to be referential null
DPs, as is shown in (83) and (84):^17
(82) Az emberGN az-t hiszi, hogy proGN/*proi sokáig fog élni.
the man it-acc believes that (the man)/hei for long will live
‘OneGN believes that oneGN/*hei will live long.’
(83) Péteri az-t hiszi, hogy proi/*proGN sokáig fog élni.
Peteri it-acc believes that hei/(the man) for long ill live
‘Peteri believes that hei/*oneGN will live long.’
(84) proi /*proGN sokáig fog élni.
s/he/(the man) for long will live
‘S/he i /*oneGN will live long.’
In Hungarian discourse-semantically neutral sentences, neither lexical nor null ref-
erential pronouns can alternate with generic inclusive lexical or null DPs, (85)–(86):
(85) Péteri /proi az-t hiszi, [hogy ői/proi/*őGN
Peter /(he) it-acc believes that he/(he)/(the man) /
/ *proGN/*az emberGN sokáig fog élni].
(the man) /the man for long will live
‘Peteri believes that hei/*GN /one will live long.’
(86) Az emberGN az-t hiszi, [hogy proGN /*őGN/i
the man it-acc believes that (the man) / the man/he
/*az emberGN sokáig fog élni].
/the man for long will live
‘One believes that one/*he will live long.’- See Kenesei (1989) and ( 1992 ) on the binding conditions of 3sg referential pronominal
and null subjects in discourse-semantically marked vs. neutral sentences.