Advances in the Syntax of DPs - Structure, agreement, and case

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The feature geometry of generic inclusive null DPs in Hungarian 187


Generic inclusive lexical and null DPs have a [+GN] feature. This feature is licensed by
the GN operator in SAPP via Agree, while [+phi] features are licensed in TP.


3.2 The inventory of generic inclusive lexical and null DPs
in a crosslinguistic perspective


It was shown in the previous section that generic inclusive DPs in Hungarian do not
alternate with unique reference pronominal or null DPs. The charts in (87) and (88)
summarize the distribution of generic inclusive and generic exclusive lexical and
null DPs in finite clauses and control infinitival clauses in the languages discussed
in this paper. English represents Non-Null Subject Languages. Italian and Polish
demonstrate Consistent NSLs. Icelandic is an Expletive NSL, Finnish is a Partial
NSL, Chinese is an example of Radical NSLs, whereas Hungarian cross-cuts all these
types:


(87) Generic inclusive lexical and null DPs


Finite clauses Control infinitives
GNincl Lexical DPs Null DPs Null DPs
English one – PROGN
Italian si – PROGN
Polish się – PROGN
Icelandic maður proGN PROGN
Finnish – proGN PROGN
Chinese – proGN PROGN
Hungarian az ember proGN PROGN

(88) Generic exclusive lexical and null DPs


Finite clauses Control infinitives
GNexcl Lexical DPs Null DPs Null DPs
English people – PROarb
Italian si – PROarb
Polish -no/-to – PROarb
Icelandic – PASSIVE PROarb
Finnish – PASSIVE PROarb
Chinese ren – PROarb
Hungarian az emberek proarb PROarb
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