The Shaolin Monastery. History, Religion and the Chinese Martial Arts

(Frankie) #1

gesting that the “blue-eyed monk” is in this instance Milefo (Maitreya); see his “Nei
jing Tu,” pp. 14 6, 149.



  1. ter Haar, White Lotus Teachings, pp. 101–106.
    1 08. See Predagio and Skar, “Inner Alchemy,” p. 490. See also Yao Tao-Chung,
    “Quanzhen-Complete Perfection,” pp. 588–589.

  2. See, for example, the Tang period Shesheng zuanlu, DZ, 578, pp. 2a–3a. See
    also Despeux, “Gymnastics,” pp. 231–232. That daoyin predated the arrival of Bud-
    dhism in China poses a difficulty in assessing Indian influences. The tradition’s main
    features, such as breathing, qi circulation, and limb movements, had been firmly es-
    tablished by the second century BCE; see Needham and Lu, Science and Civilization in
    China, vol. 5, part V, pp. 280 –283.

  3. See, respect ively, Neigong tushuo, p. 70, and Tang Hao, “Jiu Zhongguo tiyu shi
    shang fuhui de Damo,” part 2, pp. 27–37. Tang demonstrates that the earliest written
    association of the “Eighteen-Arhats Hand” with the Shaolin Temple was made by the
    Shaolin Authentic Techniques (Shaolin zongfa) of 1911, which had served as the source for
    the Secret Formulas of the Shaolin Hand Combat Method (Shaolin quanshu mijue) of 1915.

  4. See Ching, “Bodhidharma’s Legendary Fighting Cane.” It remains to be
    investigated when the weapon was invented.
    1 12. Liu T’ieh-yün (Liu E), Travels of Lao Ts’an, pp. 73, and 248, notes 4, 5. The
    Shaolin relevance was first noted by Henning, “Reflections on a Visit to the Shaolin
    Monastery,” p. 100.

  5. See Brook, “Rethinking Syncretism,” p. 22; and Berling, Syncretic Religion
    of Lin Chao-en.

  6. Compare Zhongguo chuantong yangsheng zhendian, p. 308; and Appendix,
    edition 6, pp. 36a–37b.

  7. See Yü, Renewal of Buddhism in China, pp. 101–137.

  8. See Yu, The Journey to the West, 1:79 –93. I am grateful to R ania Huntington
    for suggesting the analogy. Note also Yu’s comment, “It is quite remarkable how ex-
    tensively the themes and rhetoric of Daoism appear in every part of the [Journey to
    the West],” (ibid., 1:36).

  9. See Brook, “Rethinking Syncretism,” pp. 20–23.

  10. Wile, T’ai Chi’s Ancestors, p. 53 (slightly altered); the original is Huang
    Zongxi, Nanlei wending, 8.128. Compare Huang Baijia, Neijia quanfa, p. 1a; and the bi-
    ography of the martial artist Zhang Songxi in Ningbo fu zhi, 31.2289, both trans. Wile,
    T’ai Chi’s Ancestors, pp. 58 and 68 respectively.

  11. Wile, T’ai Chi’s Ancestors, p. 58 (slightly altered); the original is Huang Bai-
    jia, Neijia quanfa, p. 1a.

  12. See Seidel, “A Taoist Immortal of the Ming Dynasty,” p. 504; and Lager-
    wey, “The Pilgrimage to Wu-tang Shan,” p. 305. On the historical Zhang Sanfeng,
    see also Huang Zhaohan, Mingdai daoshi Zhang Sanfeng kao, pp. 36–37.

  13. See Lagerwey, “The Pilgrimage to Wu-tang Shan,” pp. 293–302.

  14. Wile, T’ai Chi’s Ancestors, p. 53 (slightly altered); the original is Huang
    Zongxi, Nanlei wending, 8.128. See also Seidel, “A Taoist Immortal of the Ming Dy-
    nasty,” p. 506.


Notes to Pages 172–177 233

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