486 THE END OF THE COLD WAR
in 1944. He and the Latvian and Estonian prime ministers proceeded
to a meeting with Bush.^21 They were also busy in Western Europe.
Landsbergis lost patience with his French interlocutors: ‘We are here
in France and you are being very kind to us. However, you do not
want to displease the Soviet Union, so you and the other countries are
afraid to establish formal diplomatic relations with us. Now see what
your friends, the Soviets, are up to while you hesitate!’ This outburst
had the desired effect, and Foreign Affairs Minister Roland Dumas let
it be known that France would seriously consider how to put its links
with Lithuania on a formal, separate basis.^22
As the chaos grew in the USSR, Bush gave priority to finalizing
agreements with Gorbachëv before anything could happen to him.
Phoning Gorbachëv, he argued that they ought to crown their success
with the Conventional Armed Forces in Europe Treaty with the
long-discussed agreement on strategic nuclear weapons. In tactful
language he nagged the Soviet President to give the topic his urgent
attention. They easily concurred on the desirability of moving on to a
fresh treaty that would cut the stockpiles of strategic weaponry by half.
This would be a momentous achievement. On economics, Bush
frankly explained his doubts about the likely effectiveness of Pavlov’s
policies; he could see no way of helping Gorbachëv until the Soviet
authorities removed the barriers to a market economy.^23 On 5 June he
wrote to Gorbachëv explaining American proposals to unblock the
sticking points about definitions and numbers.^24 Gorbachëv confirmed
his eagerness to reach rapid agreement.^25
The conditions of disintegration spread throughout the country.
On 17 June KGB Chairman Kryuchkov gave a report to the Supreme
Soviet in closed session surmising that the USSR could cease to exist
inside two to three months unless the authorities could restore order.
He later claimed that one could hear a fly crossing the room.^26 While
voicing support for market economics, he stressed the need for regu-
lation. He ridiculed the idea that the West would supply vast financial
credits. He claimed that the CIA was recruiting agents among Soviet
citizens. The economy was in dire straits. Clashes between Soviet
ethnic groups were bitter and violent. Organized crime was on the
rise. The NATO countries rejected the post-war frontiers, often raising
the case for the independence of the Baltic republics.^27 Nobody could
listen to this and think that Kryuchkov was endorsing Gorbachëv’s
leadership. Kryuchkov was not alone. Prime Minister Pavlov asked for
emergency powers, and admitted that he had not discussed this in