A GENERAL MODEL Of LONG-DISTANCE TRADE 313
35 Mueller 2006 : 151–7 (Ptolemaic initiatives in general). References for Adulis in Peacock
and Blue 2007a; 2007b; for Berenice in Cohen 2006 : 320–5 and Fraser 2009 : 248–9 s.v.
Βερενίκη 3; for Myos Hormos in Cohen 2006 : 332–8 and Peacock and Blue 2006 ; for
Qana’ in Sedov 2007.
36 References to trade with India and beyond are assembled by Müller 1978 : 719–20; also
727 (citing Periplous 28 for eastbound traffic from Kane), 728, and 731. However Kauṭilīya ’s
Arthaśāstra makes only a passing reference to ‘spices’ in a list of imported and taxable goods
(2.22.6 ed. Kangle). The case for a traffic going east by sea and/or north overland from
Ẓufār (his ‘Dhofar’) to Mesopotamia is presented by Zarins 1997 for the Bronze Age, and
by Edens and Bawden 1989 and Liverani 1992 ; 1997 for Iron Age transits via Taymā‘ and
Hindanu.
37 Saleh 1973 ; Müller 1978 : 737–41; Kitchen 1997a; 1997b.
38 Likely routes are discussed by Groom 1981 : 165–213; Eph’al 1982 : 12–7; Liverani 1992 ; de
Maigret 1999 ; and MacDonald 1997.
39 Aharoni 1967 : 39–57, with clear visual expression in the form of his map 3 (p. 40). More
briefly, Sherratt 2003 : 48–9.
40 Certainly by the third millennium, on the evidence from Umm an-Nar off the Oman coast
(Potts 1990 : 129–30 with earlier references).
41 The terminus post quem non for which appears to be the participation of Gindibu’s
1,000-camel force against Shalmaneser III at the battle of Qarqar in 853 (Kitchen 1997b: 135
with references).
42 Müller 1978 : 724; Eph’al 1982 : 4; Knauf 1983 : 149–51, retaining an allegiance to a much
earlier date; Wapnish 1984 ; Artzy 1994 : 134–5 with references; Jasmin 2005.
43 Cavigneaux and Ismail 1990 , with Liverani 1992 and Kitchen 1997b: 134; Robin 2002 : 58.
44 And more: while consolidating his father’s conquests, Tiglath-Pileser’s son and successor
Sargon II kept his side of the bargain by opening up a karum harbor somewhere in North
Sinai for Assyrian and Egyptian merchants (Eph’al 1982 : 101–3, with Rhinokoloura as a
suggested location [104]).
45 References in Eph’al 1982 passim.
46 Wapnish 1984 with evidence from Tell Jemmeh 10 km south of Gaza; Finkelstein 1995 : 121–2
and 148.
47 Eph’al 1982 : 179–88; Bawden 1983 : 40–7; Wapnish 1984 : 179. Earlier references are cited at
ANET 306 note 5: detailed discussion, with texts and translations, in Beaulieu 1989; 149–85.
48 Müller 1978 : 743–6; ABD III: 404–9 s.v. Incense (K. Nielsen) and 409–10 s.v. Incense Altars
(M. D. Fowler).
49 The aromatics, condiments, and spices known to the Mycenaean world included cel-
ery, coriander, cumin, cyperus, fennel, mint, pennyroyal, safflower, and sesame. ‘Cypriot’
and ‘Phoenician’ were used as identifiers, presumably of transporters if indeed the sesame
was already coming from India (Chadwick 1973; 131, 221–31, and 441–2, citing Miller
1969 : 87: update, with further references, in Dodinet 2008 ). A comparable list has been
constructed for Mari (Joannès 1993).
50 E.g. Il. 14.172 and 15.153.
51 Il. 8.48, etc., with Kirk’s note on Il. 6.269–70.
52 Evidence in Zaccagnino 1997 ; Invernizzi 1997 ; and Massar 2008 , with Millard 2011 for the
Levant in general. This is not the place to list the widespread evidence for incense-burners
in the Late Bronze Age Mediterranean: see, e.g., Artzy 1994 : 125 and 128–9, and Mederos
and Harrison 1996 , whose tables on page 247 suggest a hiatus in their use in the eastern and
central Mediterranean during the ninth century BCE except at Megiddo.
53 The altar in her temenos at Paphos is called θυήεις (Od. 8.363).
54 That of Apollo at Delphi most conspicuously (Plut. Mor. 397a), but also that of Hecate at
Cyrene (Sokolowski 1962 : 220, no. 133, with further references for chthonian cults). Plato’s
hyper-reactionary old age wished to exclude frankincense ‘and similar foreign fragrant stuff ’
altogether (Leg. 8.847b, tr. T. J. Saunders).
55 Iambl. Vit. Pyth. 21.98 and 28.150; Diog. Laert. 8.20.